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ANTON E. BASETIĆ Prva žrtva jugoterora u hrvatskoj emigraciji

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ANTON E. BASETIĆ

Prva žrtva jugoterora u hrvatskoj emigraciji

Hrvatsko slovo

17. prosinca 2010

Piše: Ante Čuvalo
Likvidacije Hrvata počele su već osnutkom Kraljevine Jugoslavije.  Prvom žrtvom drži se Anton Basetić, ubijen u Chicagu 1921.
Progon, svakovrsni progon, bio je jedna od povijesnih poveznica koja premošćuje vrijeme od krvavog rođenja do još krvavije smrti Jugo države.  No, velikosrpski teror u hrvatskim zemljama počeo je i prije ujedinjenja (počeo je u Vukovaru 9. rujna 1918.), a još osjećamo zadah smrti koja je harala i poslije njezine službene smrti.  Primarni srpski teror je također bio uzrokom terora na teror, ne samo među Hrvatima, nego i kod drugih koji su trebali nestati radi velikosrpskog projekta.  Ta megalomanska mora, koja je progutala toliko krvi i života, nažalost je i danas živa i svakodnevno je očitija i hrabrija!
O Hrvatima koji su ubijeni u emigraciji poslije Drugog svjetskog rata (najmanje 69) konačno se saznaje i u domovini.  Premda službeni Zagreb za ove (i druge) žrtve puno ne haje, ipak istina pomalo izlazi na svjetlo zahvaljujući i sudstvu drugih država, u prvom redu Njemačke.  Ali o teroru nad Hrvatima u emigraciji prije 1945. zna se vrlo malo, gotovo ništa.  Riječ je o još neistraženom dijelu hrvatske povijesti koji čeka da ga se domovina sjeti.
Prva žrtva jugoterora u Americi, a vjerujemo i u hrvatskoj emigraciji općenito, nakon ujedinjenja hrvatskih zemalja sa Srbijom i Crnom Gorom bio je Anton E. Basetić, urednik hrvatskih novina „Glasnik Istine“ u Chicagu.  Zbog svojih hrvatskih domoljubnih, odnosno protujugoslavenskih političkih stavova bio je mučki likvidiran „u sred bijela dana“ u Chicagu 5. studnog 1921.  Bilo je to ne samo ubojstvo novinara, nego i pokušaj zastrašivanja svih koji nisu bili voljni uhvatit se u novo jugo-kolo i zaplesati uz srpsku frulu.
Život i rad
antonAnton Basetić rođen je u Primoštenu 17. rujna 1877. (u crkvenim knjigama stoji 20. lipnja na jednom mjestu, a 20. rujna 1877. na drugom) od oca Ivana i majke Ane, rođene Makelja.  Obitelj je imala desetero djece.  Njegovo izvorno ime i prezime bilo je Ante Emilio Bolanča, koje je po dolasku u Ameriku promijenio u Anton E. Basetić/Basetich.  Nije jasno iz kojih razloga je promjenio prezime (donekle i ime) i zašto baš u Basetić, ali nalazimo da se i njegov brat Leon (rođen 11. travnja 1883., došao u Ameriku 24. listopada 1907.) po dolasku u Ameriku također služio prezimenom Basetić ili Bolanča-Basetić.
Ante Emilio Bolanča u svijet je odplovio iz Genove brodom „Spartan Princ“ i u New York stigao 23. srpnja 1898.  Išao je k prijatelju Stjepanu Bakoviću, 177 Atlanta Ave. u New Yorku.  Zasad nam nije poznato gdje, kada i koje škole je Ante pohađao, ali je zaisgurno bio pismeniji i učeniji od velike većine hrvatskih emigranata tog vremena.  Koliko je to bila formalna naobrazba ili se sam „u hodu“ doškolovavao ostaje nepoznanica.
Po onom što se dosad može pronaći, nakon dolaska i, vjerojatno, neko vrijeme boravka u New Yorku, Antu E. Bolanču 1910. surećemo kao Antona Baseticha u gradu Butte, Montana.  Američki dokumenti o popisu pučanstva iz te godine potvrđuju da je Anton tada bio oženjen devetnaestogodišnjom Elsie, rođenom Coffin u South Dakoti.  Iz istih dokumenata se vidi da je Anton po profesiji novinar.  (U ovom dokumentu se krivo tvrdi da je u SAD došao 1903.  Možda je te godine došao u Minnesotu.)
Godinu dana kasnije Anton i Elsie žive u Salt Lake Cityju, Utah.  Tu je bio urednik hrvatskih novina „Radnička Obrana“.  Naime, Salt Lake City Directory za 1911. navodi da je Anton urednik i manager spomenutih novina, ali i da je Emil Basetich predsjednik „Slavonian Publishing Co.“  Očito je da se radi o istom čovjeku.  Nažalost, 16. prosinca 1912. Elsie je umrla.  Po obiteljskoj predaji, umrla je rađajući prvo dijete, curicu.  Nije sigurno što je bilo od djeteta. Vjeruje se da su ga preuzeli majčini roditelji.

Među Hrvatima nastala je politička podjela,

između onih koji su htjeli jedinstvo sa Srbima

i onih koji su branili hrvtsku državnost

Nakon ženine smrti, vjerojatno tokom godine 1913., Basetić je preselio iz Salt Lake Cityja u Duluth, Minnesota.  Naime, Duluth City Directory za 1913.-1914. navodi da su „Slavonian Publishing Co.“, Anton Basetich manager, Milan Knezevich izdavač i urednik „Radničke Obrane“ u tom gradu.  Novina je izlazila svakog četvrtka. Directory za 1915.-1916. godinu piše da je Basetich sada izdavač istoimenih novina i adresa uredništva je drugačija nego godinu dana prije.  Iz novina se vidi da je izdavač ne više Slavonian, nego „Croatian Publishing Co.“.  Očito je da je Anton preuzeo vlasništvo i uređivanje „Radničke Obrane.“  Novina je imala povjerenštva u Salt Lake City-u, Chicagu, Milwaukee i u Gary, Indiana.
Puno je hrvatski novina u Americi pokrenuto, ali malo ih se održalo na životu dulje vremena.  Jedan od rijetko sačuvanih brojeva „Radničke Obrane“ je broj od 11. ožujka 1916. i tu čitamo da je to bilo dvanaesto godište tog tjednika, što znači da se ovo glasilo uspjelo održati dulje nego mnoge druge tadašnje hrvatske publikacije u Americi.
Moralo je to biti negdje tokom 1916. kad je „Radnička Obrana„ prestala izlaziti i Anton je preselio iz Minnesote u Chicago. Te godine Basetić je kupio novine „Hrvatski rodoljub“ (utemeljio 1915. i izdavao B. F. Tolić) u Pittsburgh-u i prenio uredništvo u Chicago, što znači da je on već tamo živio.
Između Jugoslavije i Hrvatske
Bila su to ratna vremena, posebice bremenita za Hrvate ne samo u domovini, nego i u Americi.  Osim ratnih nedaća, među Hrvatima je nastala duboka politička podjela, između onih koji su bili spremni odreći se hrvatskog državnog prava, i prigrliti jedinstvo sa Srbima i onih koji su stali u obranu hrvatske državnosti.  Prvi su bili grlatiji i svjetske prilike su im išle na ruku, a drugi su, osim borbe protiv projugoslavena, imali teret ukazivati Americi i svojim sugrađanima (posebice nakon američkog ulaska u rat 1917.) da oni nisu pobornici Austrije i Centralnih sila, nego samo ljubitelji hrvatske slobode.  Da bi u tu političku maglu unio zračak svijetla, poznati svećenik Rev. Ivan Stipanović počinje (siječanj 1915.) u Chicagu izdavati časopis „Rodoljub“.  Uskoro (kolovoz 1915.) časopis mijenja ime u „Hrvatski Katolički Glasnik“, poprima novinski oblik i postaje glasilo (gotovo svih) hrvatskih svećenika u Americi.  Još prije konca godine ova novina se udružuje s „Narodnom Obranom“, koja je izlazila u Duluth, Minnesota, i „Hrvatskim Rodoljubom“, te zajedničkim snagama počinju izdavati „Glasnik Istine.“  Uredništvo se nalazilo na 2979 S. Wentworth Ave., Chicago, a za urednika je izabran Anton Basetić.  Izgleda da je tokom 1916. Basetićeva „Radnička Obrana“ promjenila ime u „Narodnu Obranu“ i zatim se utopila u „Glasnik Istine“, kojem je on postao urednik.
Dok se krv prolijevala po europskim bojišnicama, među Hrvatima u Americi vodio se vrlo žestok ideološki rat.  Jedni su slijedili „Jugoslavenski odbor“, dočekivali, veličali i pomagali ljude iz Odbora te slali materijalnu pomoć i dragovoljce u rat.  Drugi su bili pobornici čuvanja i jačanja hrvatske državnosti te upozoravali na velikosrpsku ideologiju i njezine posljedice za hrvatski narod.  Treći su pak bili sljedbenici socijalizma i ubacivali dodatnu nacionalnu i vjersku smutnju među hrvatske emigrante.  U tim prilikama Anton Basetić postaje urednik glasila koje je bilo po orijentaciji hrvatsko i katoličko, te jedan od glasnogovornika protujugoslavenskih snaga u Chicagu i Americi.
Još i prije preuzimanja uredništva „Glasnika Istine“, Basetić je pisao i govorio protiv ujedinjenja sa Srbijom.  Jedan važan događaj dobro ilustrira njegovu ulogu u zajednici.  U Chicagu je 10. i 11. ožujka 1915. u hotelu LaSalle održan Jugoslavenski kongres na kojemu je sudjelovalo  preko 550 delegata i uzvanika.  Dok se tamo govorilo o jedinstvenom jugoslavenskom narodu (naravno, tad poznati Srbin u Americi dr. Paul Radosavljević, profesor na University of New York i delegat, sve ih je smatrao Srbima) i budućoj zajedničkoj državi, u hrvatskoj naseobini oko Wentworth ulice održan je masovni protuskup.  Na tom antijugoslavenskom okupljanju, koje je okupilo oko 3000 Hrvata, jedan od glavnih govornika bio je i Anton Basetić.  On je dakle poslije dolaska u Chicago i preuzimanja uredništva zasigurno postao osoba od velikog utjecaja među Hrvatima tog velikog grada ali i u cijeloj Americi.
Prije opisa njegove tragične smrti, red je još nešto reći o njegovoj obitelji.  Naime, poslije smrti njegove prve žene Elsie (krajem 1912.), Anton se 18. srpnja 1914. vjenčao sa Sandrom (Allessandra, Sanda) F. Herska u mjestu Chishlom, Minnesota.  Sandra je bila rodom iz Severina na Kupi u Gorskom kotaru.  U braku se rodilo dvoje djece.  Vera je rođena 1916. u Minnesoti, a Ivan 1919. u Chicagu.
Atentat u Chicagu
anton1Dana 5. studenog 1921. oko 8:15 Antun Basetić je iz svog doma na 31. ulici došao u ured trgovine nekretnina „Cannizzo, Jurko & Co.“, koji je bio na Wentworth ulici, nedaleko od njegove kuće.  Premda je „Glasnik Istine“ tiskan nedaleko u „Hrvatskoj tiskari“, Basetić je, po svemu sudeći iz opreza, poštu primao u uredu spomenute tvrtke i tamo danomice po nju dolazio.  Toga kobnog jutra u uredu je već bila mlada činovnica Marie Pullano i po Antonovu ulasku u ured upozorila ga da se dvojica nepoznatih muškaraca motaju na drugoj strani ulice ispred ureda, na što joj je odgovorio: „Ne boj se, ja sam tu“, misleći da ih se ona boji.  Ubrzo su ta dva (ne)čovjeka došla na vrata ureda, a Marie i Anton su pošli prema vratima.  Marie je otvorila jedno od dva staklena krila i upitala ih što žele.  Ništa nisu rekli, a jedan je zakoracio unutra, potegao pištolj i ispucao šest naboja prema Basetiću koji je stajao kraj djevojke.  Pogodila su ga dva hica,  jedan u rame, a drugi u vrat i Anton je za nekoliko minuta izdahnuo.  Mlada činovnica pala je u nesvijest, a ubojice su bez traga pobjegle. Tragična drama odigrala se u nekoliko minuta.
Sve chicaške novine objavile su izvješća o smrti Antona Basetića, naglašujući da je to bilo ubojstvo političke naravi.  Jedne novine citiraju mišljenje ljudi iz policije i kaže da ovo ubojstvo ima međunarodno zaleđe i da je to kulminacija međunardnih političkih trzavica.  Ali u tim izvješćima se provlači netočnost da je Anton bio zagrijani pro-Austrijanac, a ne da je bio hrvatski domoljub.  Slijedila se i tad već dobro nam poznata „logika“: svi koji nisu bili jugofili bili su austrofili (a kasnije fašisti).  Naravno, policija i novinska izvješća i ne ulaze u pitanje tko bi mogao stajati iza tog gnusnog zločina.  Nije bilo nikakve ozbiljnije istrage.  Za policiju su to bila „emigrantska posla“ i nikome nije bilo stalo istražiti zašto je izgubio život jedan Hrvat usred Chicaga i tko ga je ubio.
Među Antonovim potomcima i danas se čuva predaja da je atentat izvršila „Crna ruka“.  Oni i ne znaju što je bila „Crna ruka“, ali zna se dobro kakvu je krvavu ulogu ta teroristička organizacija odigrala u Srbiji i dalje.  Premda je ona bila službeno ugušena 1917., njezini sljedbenci su nastavili zločinački rad i, najvjerojatnije, Anton Basetić je bio žrtva u najmanju ruku njezine ideologije.
Basetiću je bilo samo 44 godine kad je ubijen.  Iza njega je ostala mlada žena Sandra s dvoje nejake djece i još dijete iz

Sve chicaške novine objavile su izvješća

o smrti Antona Basetića, naglašujući

da je to bilo ubojstvo političke naravi

prvog mu braka.  Sandra je od straha pokupila djecu, otišla u Minnesotu i tamo provela šest mjeseci.  Ponovo se vratila u Chicago, radila i mučila se da bi odgojila svoju djecu.  Među ostalim, radila je i kao kuharica u studentskom domu na University of Chicago.  Po pričanju članova njezine obitelji, nikad nije htjela govoriti o muževu ubojstvu ni o politici.  Bilo joj je svega dosta.  Njezin životni cilj bio je svoju djecu „na noge podići“ i u tome je bila vrlo uspješna, kao i mnoge druge hrvatske udovice.
Prešućena žrtva
Mučeništvo Ante Emilia Bolanče, odnosno Antona Basetića, bilo je prešućeno u vrijeme njegove pogibije, a o njemu se šutjelo i sljedećih 90 godina.  Bilo bi i potpuno zaboravljeno da ne bi njegovih dviju unuka (Sarah i Ann), kćeriju sina Ivana, koje su htjele doznati istinu o svom djedu.  Sarah je i mene zainteresirala za ovaj tragičan slučaj i sa mnom podijelila dosta podataka koje sam ovdje iznio.  Zahvaljujem joj što je upoznala ne samo mene, nego i hrvatsku javnost s djelovanjem i žrtvom svojeg djeda koji je, po dosadašnjim spoznajama, prvi politički mučenik u hrvatskoj emigraciji poslije zlokobne 1918.
Nedavno smo u „Hrvatkom vjesniku“ iz Melbourna (14. listopada 2010.) mogli pročitati svima nama iznenađujuće otkriće kako je 1. veljače 1942. „poludjeli“ četnik eksplozivom ubio 14 i osakatio još 15 Hrvata u Kalgoorlie-Boulder-u u Zapadnoj Australiji.  Ubojstva Antona Basetića 1921. i Hrvata u Australiji 1942., kao i druga po svijetu za koja još ne znamo treba istražiti i dati im dužno mjesto u povijesti hrvatske emigracije i domovine.

C. Michael McAdams (1947-2010)

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C. Michael McAdams (1947-2010)

In Memory of a Sincere Croatian Friend

gallery_951Charles Michael McAdams, a historian, journalist, and true American friend of Croats passed away on October 29, 2010 in Sacramento, California.  He was not known in Croatia until the fall of Yugoslavia, but his name was very familiar among Croats around the world long before those great historical changes occurred.  He was not only known to us but became a fellow-member in our fight for freedom.
McAdams was born on May 8, 1947 in an American Marine base in California, where his father was an officer.  He also served in the Marines, but he was more interested in books than in a military career, and after completing his military duty, he studied and graduated with a diploma in Historical Studies at the University of the Pacific, a well-known private university in California.  After that, he received his Master’s degree at the Jesuit run John Carroll University in Cleveland, where he also received a Certificate in Soviet and Eastern European Studies.  He continued his education taking classes in Advanced Studies of Comparative Politics and Ideologies at the University of Colorado and at the University of San Francisco.  After completing his coursework for the Doctorate in Education, McAdams became a regional director of the Sacramento campus of the University of San Francisco in 1979 — where he would remain until his retirement in the year 2000.
There is an old proverb that says that true friendships are not chosen, but simply happen.  The same could be said of McAdams and his friendship with Croats.  Namely, he is of Scottish-Jewish background and a Protestant by religion.  He first heard about Croatia as a child because he was a stamp collector, and Croatian stamps came into his hands.  But, when as a student, he began reading history books and listening to professors, he realized that everything he read and heard about Croats was negative.  It was precisely the constant demonization of the Croats that made McAdams want to explore further and find out whether this was just a fog of deception as being presented by those who advocated the status quo or perhaps the laziness of researchers and professors who, instead of searching for the truth, kept repeating old clichés, or, if perhaps it really was all true.  McAdams did not believe that history was really that black and white, and he wanted to dive deeper into Croatia’s past.  Then a chance meeting happened that would define his future academic career.
Namely, sometime prior to completing his studies, McAdams found himself on California Street in San Francisco.  He walked past a European car dealership and noticed a small Croatian flag on one of the cars.  He walked in and asked if any Croats worked there, wanting to make contact with Croats in the city.  He asked that question precisely to a Croat, Mr. Zvonko Pribanic, a well-known Croatian in California.  With that chance meeting, a lasting friendship with Zvonko and the Croats “happened.”  In his search for truth, McAdams came into contact with people whose only wish was that the truth about Croats be told, and a real alliance was born.  As Michael read more and researched the “other side,” he found out that what was being said about Croats was a myth and not reality.  He then decided not only to find the truth but also to share it with others.
To better acquaint himself with Croatian history, McAdams continued his graduate studies at John Carroll University in Cleveland, where his mentor was Prof. George J. Prpić, and where he met and collaborated with other Croatian academicians in America.  Upon returning to California, Michael became active among the local Croats there, and among other activities, he became one of the founders of the Croatian Information Service in 1974.  The other founders were Petar Radielović, Zvonko Pribanić, and Damir Radoš.  From then until the end of his life, McAdams did not cease to explain to Americans and others who the Croats really are and what they want.  He wrote numerous books and booklets, a number of contributions in almanacs, and more than one hundred articles.  One of his most popular books, Croatia, Myth & Reality, was translated into Croatian (Hrvatska – mit i istina) and other languages, and saw three English editions (1992, 1994, and 1997).  He held many lectures, participated in seminars and appeared in TV and radio broadcasts.  For years, McAdams prepared and led a segment called “Moments in Croatian History” on the weekly Croatian radio program in California.  He was a member of the Association for Croatian Studies, Croatian Academy of America, Croatian-Latin American Institute, Croatian Scholarship Fund, and others.  He was a guest lecturer at many universities in America, Australia, and in Croatia after its independence.  For his services to the Croats, President Franjo Tudjman awarded him the Order of Danica Hrvatska with the image of Marko Marulić.
McAdams would often jump into “hot” subjects which certainly did not help him in his career, but as a true American marine, he did not give in to fear.  He was not only of the belief that Croats had the right to freedom and independence, but he also enthusiastically joined that struggle.  Many people were bothered by McAdams because they could not label him as an “Ustasha” child, a frustrated emigrant, or a mercenary.  He openly and loudly spoke his thoughts and opinions, and did not ask for anything, and that gave him the moral strength to face the guardians and propagators of historical myths.  McAdams could have (as many others did) followed the line of lesser effort, and he could have repeated what was written in many books, but he found the courage to research “the other side” of history.  He never regretted that he “wandered” into Croatian history or for being among Croats.  With his work he aided in lifting the fog over Croatian history in America and beyond, and by doing so he also aided in the fight for Croatian independence.
Many thanks to Michael for his sincere friendship to us who knew him and collaborated with him, and to Croatia and the Croats.  The search for historical truth carried him to the Croats, and may eternal Truth be the reward for his inexhaustible work and great love for the Croats in America and their homeland.
Dr. Ante Čuvalo

C. Michael McAdams (1947.-2010.)

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C. Michael McAdams (1947.-2010.)

U spomen iskrenom hrvatskom prijatelju

gallery_95U Sacramentu, Kalifornija, umro je 29. listopada 2010. Charles Michael McAdams, povjesničar, publicist i iskreni američki prijatelj Hrvata.  U Hrvatskj se za njega nije čulo sve do propasti Jugoslavije, ali njegovo je ime poodavno prije tih velikih povijesnih promjena bilo dobro poznato među Hrvatima u svijetu.  Bio nam je ne samo poznat, nego je bio jedan od naših suboraca.
McAdams je rođen 8. svibnja 1947. u bazi američkih marinaca u Kaliforniji, gdje mu je otac bio časnik.  I on je služio u marincima, ali više ga je zanimala knjiga nego vojnički život te je poslije odsluženja vojne obveze studirao i diplomirao povijesne znanosti na University of the Pacific, poznatom privatnom sveučilistu u Kaliforniji.  Zatim je magistrirao na isusovačkom sveučilistu John Carroll University u Clevelandu, gdje je dobio i certifikat iz sovjetskih i istočno-europskih studija.  Nastavio je studirati komparativne političke i ideološke znanosti na University of Colorado, te na University of San Francisco.  Nakog završenih kolegija za doktorat, postaje (1979.) direktorom kampusa Sveučilista San Francisco u Sacramentu i tu ostaje do umirovljenja 2000. godine.
Jedna izreka kaže da se prava prijateljstva ne biraju, ona se jednostavno dogode.  Ovo bi se moglo reći i za McAdamsa i njegovo prijateljstvo s Hrvatima.  Naime, on je škotsko-židovskog podrijetla, a po vjeri protestant.  Za Hrvatsku je (na)čuo kao dječak; budući da je bio sakupljač poštanskih markica do ruku su mu došle i hrvatske markice.  Ali kad je kao student počeo čitati povijesne knjige i slušati profesore uvidio je da je sve što čita i čuje o Hrvatima negativno.  Upravo to konstantno demoniziranje Hrvata bio mu je povod da počne istraživati je li riječ o prodavanju magle onih koji zagovaraju status quo ili lijenost istraživača i profesora tražiti istinu pa prepričavaju otrcane šablonske priče, ili je to zaista tako.  Nije vjerovao da povijest može biti tako crno-bijela, pa je htio zaviriti malo dublje u hrvatsku prošlost .  A onda se dogodila i slučajnost koja je zacrtala njegov dalji akademski put.
Naime, negdje pri koncu studija našao se na California Street u San Franciscu.  Prolazio je pokraj jedne autokuće europskih automobila i na jednom vozilu zapazio malu hrvatsku zastavu.  Ušao je u salon i pitao radi li tu netko od Hrvata, htijući doći u dodir s Hrvatima u tom gradu.  Pitanje je postavio upravo Hrvatu, Zvonku Pribaniću, poznatom hrvatskom djelatniku u Kaliforniji.  I u tom slučajnom susretu „dogodilo“ se njegovo prijateljstvo sa Zvonkom i Hrvatima, koje je osalo trajno.  On je zapravo u potrazi za istinom naišao na ljude kojima je jedina želja i bila da se istina o Hrvatima što dalje čuje, i tu se rodilo istinsko savezništvo.  Što je Michael više čitao i istraživao i „drugu stranu“, uviđao je da je ono što se o Hrvatima govori i piše ponajvećma mit, a ne stvarnost.  I on se opredjeljuje ne samo tražiti istinu, nego dijeliti je i s drugima.
Da bi što bolje upoznao hrvatsku povijest, postdiplomske studije McAdams nastavlja na John Carroll University u Clevelandu, gdje mu je mentor bio prof. Jure Prpić, te upoznaje i surađuje i s drugim hrvatskim akademicima u Americi.  Po povratku u Kaliforniju Michael postaje djelatan među tamošnjim Hrvatima i, među ostalim, postaje jedan od utemeljitelja (1974.) Croatian Information Service-a.  (Ostali su bili: Petar Radielović, Zvonko Pribanić i Damir Radoš).  Od tad pa do konca života McAdams nije prestao Amerikancima i drugima u svijetu tumačiti tko su, što su i što žele Hrvati.  Napisao je više knjiga i knjižica, nekoliko priloga u zbornicima i više od stotinu članaka.  Jedna od najpopularnijih njegovi knjiga, Croatia Myth & Reality, prevedena je na hrvatski (Hrvatska – mit i istina) i druge jezike, te doživjela tri engleska izdanja (1992., 1994., 1997.).  Održao je mnoga prdavanja, sudjelovao na seminarima, pojavljivao se na TV i radio postajama.  Na tjednom Hrvatskom radio rasporedu u Kaliforniji godinama je pripremao i vodio rubriku „Trenuci u hrvatskoj povijesti.“  Bio je član Association for Croatian Studies, Croatian Academy of America, Hrvatsko-Latinoamerički Institut, Hrvatski fond za stipendije, itd.  Gostovao je kao predavač na raznim svučilištima u Americi, Australiji i, nakon osamostaljenja, u Hrvatskoj.  Za njegove zasluge u radu za Hrvate predsjednik Tuđman mu je dodijelio odličje Danice hrvatske s likom Marka Marulića.
Puno puta je McAdams uskakao u „vruće“ teme, što mu zasigurno nije pomoglo u njegovoj karijeri, ali kao pravi američki marinac nije se dao prestrašiti.  Ne samo da je bio uvjeren da Hravti imaju pravo na slobodu i samostalnost, nego se toj borbi i zdušno pridružio.  Mnogima je bio smetnja jer mu se nije moglo predbaciti da je „ustaško“ dijete, frustrirani emigrant ili plaćenik.  Svoja mišljenja i stavove je govorio jasno i glasno, ništa za sebe nije tražio i to mu je davalo moralnu snagu suočiti se sa čuvateljima i širiteljima povijesnih mitova.  McAdams je mogao, kao i toliki drugi, slijediti liniju manjeg otpora i ponavljati ono što su knjige pisale, ali on je imao kuražu istraživati i „drugu stranu“ povijesti.  Nije nikad požalio što je „zalutao“ u hrvatsku povijest i među Hrvate, te svojim radom doprinio odmaglivanju hrvatske povijesti u Americi i šire, a time i borbi za samostalnost Hrvatske.
Velika hvala Michaelu na iskrenom prijateljstvu ne samo s nama koji smo ga poznavali i s njim surađivali, nego i kao velikom prijatelju Hrvatske i Hrvata.  Traženje povijesne istine dovelo ga je do Hrvata, neka mu vječna Istina bude nagrada za njegov neumorni rad i veliku ljubav za Hrvate u Americi i njihovoj domovini.
Dr. Ante Čuvalo

Vitmomir Miles Raguž – Da nije bilo Oluje i drugi eseji/Who Saved Bosnia and other Essays.

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Vitmomir Miles Raguž

Da nije bilo Oluje i drugi eseji/Who Saved Bosnia and other Essays.

Zagreb: Stih, 2005. pages 363.

FOREWORD

By Dr. Ante Čuvalo – Professor of History

For over thirty years, Walter Cronkite, celebrated former anchor of CBS Evening News, calmly, clearly, and with authority ended his news reports with the sign-off line, “And that’s the way it is.”  As a news anchor, he was voted by Americans among the top 10 “most influential decision-makers in America” in the 1970s.  His audience accepted his word that the world was the way he presented it.  This willingness to accept the world as others portray it is not unusual.  People around the world accept reality “the way it is” instead of making an effort to see it in all its complexity.
It is much siviewer1-150x150mpler, easier, and quite often safer to accept the assumptions that various Cronkites and would-be Cronkites of the world select, package, and present to us, rather than to accept Kant’s invitation to “dare to know” the perplexing realities of our world.  By Kant’s standard, those in the mass media, social sciences, and public life are doing a great disservice to humanity by claiming to possess the final word because by doing so they forestall our efforts to seek a better grasp of the world, that should, in turn, contribute to helping us to change it for the better.
This collection of essays by Vitomir Miles Raguz does not reflect the mainstream thinking among those who claim to be expert interpreters of the events that accompanied the collapse of Socialist Yugoslavia.  But one does not have to agree with the author to realize that this collection is a significant contribution to understanding recent events in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and the region.  He challenges the conventional wisdom regarding the tragic events of the period and he questions those that have repeatedly told us “that’s the way it is.”  Mr. Raguz bases his discourse on facts, not on politically correct assumptions and popular myths.  But he also distinguishes “visible” facts (who did what for various reasons on the local level) from beyond the scene policy-making processes and particulars, and he urges the experts to do the same if they wish to grasp the full meaning of events.  He is optimistic that future historians will probe more deeply, and by getting to the “bottom of things” contribute to regional reconciliation more than the ICTY or the “committed” experts of today.
Ambassador Raguz served in several Bosnian- Herzegovene and Croatian diplomatic posts (1992 to 2000), where he had a front-row seat to the historic drama that unfolded during that decade.  He was able to observe the protagonists of this drama and sometimes was on stage with them.  His close proximity to the participants who shaped events gave him significant insights regarding, for example, the role of Western powers in the withdrawal of Croatian military forces from Posavina (1992), the meeting between Alija Izetbegovic and Croatian diplomats in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia (1992), the intentions and the role of the United States in the Croatian military operation “Storm” (1995), and the various efforts to end the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The details Mr. Raguz reveals and the events he discusses were not state secrets nor were they unknown to foreign observers of the region at the time.  But many of these “details” were not made public and discussed because the standard paradigms then in use excluded them.  In other words, they would have forced radical changes in the realities constructed by experts on the region.  Probably the most popular paradigm was that of moral equivalence, which attributed equal blame for Yugoslavia’s violent dissolution to Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman.  But based on the policy-making processes that he witnessed, Raguz argues that “Croatia was not the problem but the solution” to the conflict caused by Serbian expansionism.  This was nowhere more evident than in the case of Bosnia- Herzegovina.
He does not lay the blame for the popularity of distorted images of Croatia and Croats on foreign image-makers, but places it with local and international politicos who bend the reality for short term policy gains, as well as with some intellectuals in Croatia.  The latter had a need to prove themselves to be on a par with what they believed to be the intellectually progressive elements in Europe.  At times this was also the case because of their ideological activism, and for some with non-democratic pasts, a way to personal rehabilitation through an external imprimatur.
This was not so for Ambassador Raguz, who was not trapped within idealistic nor ideological models.  When he accepted his first posting as a diplomat Mr. Raguz was a young banker, not a diplomat.  Nevertheless, he quickly grasped the basic rules of international politics that interest and realism prevail over idealism, internationalism, and humanitarianism.  He therefore writes about what happened, not what should have happened had the world been an ideal place.
A number of articles in this collection appeared in influential publications in the West, including the largest circulation English language policy daily The Wall Street Journal, The Jerusalem Post, European Voice, and The Harvard International Review, as well as in Croatian newspapers and magazines.  In each of these essays, Ambassador Raguz gives not only valuable eyewitness testimonies, but he also proves himself to be a first-rate analyst of events in the region.  He also offers suggestions for resolving what seem to be complex issues that continue to threaten peace and stability in south-eastern Europe.
Although Mr. Raguz is a realist, he is also an optimist.  He believes that well-intentioned people in that troubled part of Europe outnumber those with evil intentions “by a wide margin”. But he concludes that before the region can embark on its road to a better future, we must have a “balanced picture” of its recent wars.  For that reason he has repeatedly urged all those who were involved, both within and outside of the region, to question existing accounts which are popular but often inaccurate assessments of events, and to seek the truth in its full complexity- for the sake of a better future.
Chicago, Illinois
May, 2005

Vitmomir Miles Raguž

Da nije bilo Oluje i drugi eseji/Who Saved Bosnia and other Essays.

Zagreb: Stih, 2005. pages 363.

PREDGOVOR

Ante Čuvalo – profesor povijesti

Više od trideset godina je Walter Cronkite, negdašnji znameniti glavni izvjestitelj CBS-ovih večernjih vijesti, smireno, jasno i uvjereno završavao svoja izvješća rečenicom: “I tako je to”.  Kao uvaženog novinara, Amerikanci su ga u sedamdesetim godinama prošlog stoljeća uvrstili među desetoricu ljudi “koji najviše utječu na donošenje odluka u Americi”.  Gledatelji su prihvaćali njegovu tvrdnju da je svijet uistinu onakav kakvim ga je on prikazivao.  Ta spremnost da se prihvati nečije viđenje svijeta nije neuobičajena.  Ljudi diljem svijeta prihvaćaju “tako je to” stvarnost, umjesto da se potrude sagledati je u svoj njenoj složenosti.
Jednostavnije je, lakše, a najčešće i manje opasno prihvatiti pretpostavke što ih razni Cronkitei i nazovi Cronkitei na svijetu odabiru, pakiraju i prikazuju, nego prihvatiti Kantov poziv da se “odvažimo spoznati” začudnu stvarnost svijeta.  Po Kantovim mjerilima ljudi iz masovnih medija, društvenih znanosti i javnog života nanose veliku štetu čovječanstvu, tvrdnjom da posjeduju konačnu istinu, jer tako čini izlišnim naše nastojanje da što bolje spoznamo svijet, što bi nam, sa svoje strane, pomoglo da ga izmijenimo nabolje.
U ovoj knjizi skupljeni eseji Vitomira Milesa Raguža nisu odraz glavne struje onih što za sebe tvrde da su najpozvaniji tumačiti događaje koji su pratili slom socijalističke Jugoslavije.  Ne moramo se slagati s autorom da bismo shvatili da su ovdje skupljeni tekstovi značajan doprinos razumijevanju nedavnih zbivanja u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini i u regiji.  On se suprotstavlja uvriježenim shvaćanjima o tragičnim zbivanjima iz toga vremena i dovodi u pitanje one koji su nam neprestance tvrdili “tako je to”.  Raguž svoja razmatranja temelji na činjenicama, a ne na politički prihvatljivim pretpostavkama i uvriježenim mitovima.
Ali on, isto tako, razlikuje “vidljive” činjenice (tko je što učinio iz ovih ili onih razloga na lokalnoj razini) od procesa i pojedinosti koje su u pozadini donošenja političkih odluka, čime i stručnjake prisiljava da učine isto, ukoliko žele spoznati puno značenje pojedinih zbivanja.  On iskazuje optimističko očekivanje da će budući povjesničari doći do dubljih sagledavanja, te da će takvim prodorom u “srž stvari” doprinijeti regionalnoj pomirbi više nego Međunarodni krivični su u Haagu ili današnji “posvećeni” stručnjaci.
Veleposlanik Raguž obnašao je više dužnosti u hrvatskoj i bosansko-hercegovačkoj diplomaciji (od 1992. do 2000. godine), te je mogao izbliza promatrati povijesnu dramu koja se odvijala u tome desetljeću.  Bio je u prilici promatrati protagoniste te drame, a ponekad je s njima bio i na pozornici.  Bliskost sudionicima koji su oblikovali zbivanja omogućila mu je dublji uvid u, primjerice,ulogu zapadnih sila u povlačenju hrvatskih vojnih snaga iz Posavine (1992.), sastanak Izetbegovića i hrvatskih diplomata u Jedi, u Saudijskoj Arabiji (1992.), namjere i ulogu Sjedinjenih Država u hrvatskoj vojnoj operaciji Oluja (1995.), te raznorazne pokušaje za okončanje rata u Bosni i Hercegovini.
Pojedinosti koje Raguž iznosi i događaji okojima piše nisu predstavljali državne tajne, niti su u ono vrijeme bile nepoznate inozemnim promatračima.  Ali mnoge od tih “pojedinosti” nisu objavljene i o njima se nije raspravljalo, jer su se protivili tada prihvaćenu načinu sagledavanja stvarnosti.  Drugim riječima, oni bi doveli do korjenitih promjena u stvarnosti kakvu su stvorili stručnjaci za regiju.
Možda najraširenija paradigma bila je ona o podjednakoj moralnoj odgovornosti, koja je jednaku krivicu za krvavi raspad Jugoslavije pripisala Slobodanu Miloševiću i Franji Tuđmanu.  No na osnovi procesa donošenja političkih odluka kojima je svjedočio, Raguž dokazuje da “Hrvatska nije bila proble, nego rješenje” sukoba što ga je izazvao srpski ekspanzioinizam.  To je bilo najočitije u slučaju Bosne i Hercegovine.
Za iskrivljenu sliku o Hrvatskoj i o Hrvatima on, međutim, ne krivi inozemne stvaratelje imidža, nego domaće i inozemne političare koji zbog kratkoročnih političkih probitaka izokreću stvarnost, kao i neke hrvatske intelektualce.  Potonji osjećaju potrebu da dokažu da su ravni onima koje smatraju intelektualno naprednim elementima u Europi.  Ponekad to čine i zbog vlastitog političkog aktivizma, a za neke koji su imali nedemokratsku prošlost to je put za osobnu rehabilitaciju posredstvom vjerodajnice dobivene iz inozemstva.
Kod veleposlanika Raguža to nije slučaj.  On se ne da uhvatiti u zamku idealističkih ili ideologijskih modela.  Premda je u vrijeme kad je prihvatio prvo postavljenje na diplomatski položaj Raguž bio mladi bankar, a ne diplomat, ubrzo je shvatio osnovna pravila međunarodne politike, prema kojima interes i realizam imaju prevagu nad idealizmom, internacionalizmom i humanizmom.  On stoga piše o onome što se uistinu dogodilo, a ne o onome što se trebalo dogoditi kad bi svijet bio savršeno mjesto.
Veći broj članaka u ovoj knjizi objavljen je u izdanjima koja su na Zapadu utjecajna, uključujući najčitanije dnevne političke novine na engleskom jeziku The Wall Street Journal, a zatim The Jerusalem Post, European Voice i The Harvard International Review, kao i u hrvatskim novinama i časopisima.  U svim tim esejima veleposlanik Raguž iznosi ne samo vrijedna svjedočanstva izravnog promatrača, nego dokazuje da je prvorazredni analitičar zbivanja u regiji.  On, također, nudi i prijedloge za rješenje onoga što se doima kao niz složenih problema koji prijete ugroziti mir i stabilnost u jugoistočnoj Europi.
Premda je Raguž realist, on je i optimist.  Uvjeren je da su dobronamjerni ljudi u tom napaćenom europskom području daleko brojniji od onih sa zlim namjerama.  Ali zaključuje da prije nego što regija krene na putovanje u bolju budućnost, moramo stvoriti “uravnoteženu sliku” o nedavnim ratovima.  Iz toga razloga višekratno je pozivao sve koji su bili uključeni u zbivanja, kako one u regiji tako i one izvan nje,da preispitaju postojeće verzije događaja koje su se uvriježile, ali često ne odgovaraju činjenicama, i da potraže istinu u svoj njenoj složenosti – radi bolje budućnosti sviju.
Chicago, Illinois
Svibnja 2005.

There are no New or Old Muslims, instead, there are Wahhabis

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Rešid Hafizović on Bugojno

Oslobođenje/Liberation-July 31, 2010

http://bosnamuslimmedia.com/2010/07/31/intervju-dr-resid-hafizovic-oslobodenje-31-7-2010-god/

There are no New or Old Muslims, instead, there are Wahhabis

Oslobođenje: Professor Hafizović, the terrorist attack in Bugojno reminded many of the terrible, almost prophetic significance of your article, published precisely in „Oslobođenje,” titled “They are coming for our children.”  How did you feel when your darkest premonitions became true and that ignoring your words of warning proved to be disastrous?
Hafizović: When I wrote the text under the above title almost four years ago, and after its reprint following the terrorist attack in Bugojno, I felt awful and sad at the same time, because I realized that what I thought was definitely a thing of the past and, just another event in the history of Muslim literature, culture and civilization, instead had actually become our daily life, a new pestilence after the bloody aggression the Bosniaks barely survived, a new virus which ultimately will ruin a half-millennia old national, religious, and cultural identity of the Bosnian Muslims – Bosniaks.  That virus has already destroyed every chance for Islam in Europe, Islam as it once existed in Muslim Spain, and now is ending its work with the autochthonous (indigenous) European Muslim groups in the Balkans and Southeast European region.   I wish I never had to write that text, and I would be even happier if my predictions never became true and that I had been wrong.
Oslobođenje: In our community the issue of the “new Muslims,” as they are referred to by reis Cerić, or “Wahhabis” as often they are called by the media, or “Salafis” as they usually identify themselves, is by and large addressed superficially.  Can you please explain to our readers, in a few words, this terminological confusion and briefly tell us what kind of Muslims that we are talking about here?
Hafizović: There are not any “new” or “old” Muslims. There are only Muslims as such, Muslims as they are defined by Kur’an and Sunna of the Islamic Prophet (a.s.), as they largely have existed throughout the planet for over one thousand and four hundred years. The above division comes from the top of the Bosniak religious leadership and it is just one of the unacceptable terms of their irresponsible use of language in public discourse. The use of this kind of language only deepened, throughout all these years, the gaps among the Bosniaks, caused quarrels among them and turned them against each other. On the other hand, by such undefined and distasteful tagging of Muslims as “new” or “old,” our religious leadership consciously and purposely absolved itself from every responsibility, as well as from the need of resolving some things on time and placing them in their rightful places for the sake of Islam and the Muslims.
In fact, traditional Bosnian Muslims make up the largest percent of Muslim population in Bosnia, such as described by the sources of Islamic faith themselves. And then, there are ‘Wahhabis’, Muslim puritans and perpetual world fixers.  Traditional, authentic Islam, does not fit in any way into their twisted view, and even the Prophet of Islam (a.s.), as a true Meccan aristocrat, is not good enough for them. They are turning him into a caricature, a messy bearded shepherd and a completely ordinary camel driver. They trace their lineage to a Saudi grumbler from the Seventeenth century, Muhammad Ibn Abd-al-Wahhab, an under-educated reformer who declared a jihad against all Muslims of that time with the aid of the later Saudi dynasty which he helped climb the political throne with his phalanxes. He carved in blood the borders of today’s Saudi monarchy in the heart of the Muslim empire.  In a shameful alliance with imperialist Britain, he attacked Islamic rule executing thousands of men at Karbala, Najaf, and other places.  He shed streams of Muslim blood in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, Taif, and other places.  Today’s ‘Wahhabis’ are tied to the name and ideological heritage of this man, which some of the Bosniak politicians in this country, inappropriately, irresponsibly, and wrongly have been equalizing with traditional Muslim legal schools or Mezhebs (Mddhhab). Wahhabism is, in fact, a puritan movement unsatisfied with and intolerant of everything which does not fit its ideological views, and, because of that, it is often predisposed to the methods of murderous ideologies that use any means to achieve their goals.  As it is characteristic of every such earlier and later movement, within this puritan faction among the Muslims also exist ferments and certain stratifications which assume other names and different identities.  When their mentality, psychology, and unacceptable way of acting finally became transparent, some of them found refuge under the name of ‘salafism,’ and, arrogantly and without precedent, tried to equalize themselves with the first three most exemplary generations of Muslims and their values and virtues.  Others, the extreme radical ones for whom even those who shared their beliefs up to that moment were not good enough anymore, promoted themselves into Wahhabi avant-garde and became ‘tekfiris’ – those who have allowed themselves what even the Prophet of Islam (a.s.) did not do nor was he allowed to do, that is, they assumed the privilege to decide who is a true Muslim, and who is not.  Basically, we are talking here about the one and same movement, the same intolerant ‘philosophy,’ the same mental framework.  The difference in the names, by which they decorate themselves, is only virtual and not of any real significance.  In essence, we are talking about unschooled, uneducated, confused people, who forbid their own children, for example, to study biology in school, not even being aware that the subject of study in this honorable discipline is in the closest link with God’s Name ‘Al-Zahir’ or God-Visible acting in the world of the senses.  On the one hand they pride themselves for being the only true followers of the Prophet of Islam (a.s.), and on the other hand, by their ignorance and lack of knowledge of religious practices, they are attacking the very core of Islamic religious doctrine.
Oslobođenje: How did you experience the reactions of the public to the Bugojno attack, I mean, the reactions of the political leadership and those of the Islamic community?
Hafizović: I have experienced them as the apex of human and professional hypocrisy.  All of them racing so aggressively, like Pharisees, to the place of the attack to address that terrorist act with the most vicious labels and harsh words.  And that was all.  None of them moved a finger after that, they didn’t even feel a bit of responsibility or readiness to take responsibility for our future.  They all knew everything, but they pretended to be so ‘innocently perplexed’ and surprised. To make things worse, soon after the event, they began to repeat their old tales.  They were ready to shift the responsibility to anybody in order to absolve the Wahhabi ideology, the ‘new Muslims’ who, supposedly, are the only ones able to defend the Bosniaks from genocide, as the Bosniak religious leadership puts it, and one of the highly positioned Bosniak politicians even decorates them with nothing less than the title of ‘mezhep.’  If this were out of ignorance that would be forgivable, but it is not.  It is done from purely manipulative pre-election expediency, in order not to upset that ideology and its mentors from the Arabian peninsula from where, right now, are coming countless delegations of merchants, businessmen, and investors, just like four years ago, so that our voting public may get the false impression that something creative is being done and that, after the upcoming elections, only roses will bloom for us.  Because of such ignorant behavior and indolence to look at these phenomena right into the eye, I am afraid, things will get even worse, and we shall all be deeply sorry for our irresponsibility for not acting at the right time.
Oslobođenje:  In the last few months, an intense debate is taking place in several European countries about banning niqab in addition to the fact that some countries have already passed certain laws on the subject.  What is your take on this matter?
Hafizović: As terrorism has become a global problem of the human community, so the most accountable political power-holders in the world, for the sake of the future of the planet, attempted to create a new system of culture security with totally new procedures and standards, in order to put somehow that unfortunate global phenomenon at least under control.  For this reason, the question came up of identifying every individual on this planet as fast and unmistakably as possible.  Because of these new security measures in the world, under assault were burka and niqab, integral parts of the dress culture of certain Muslim women in recent times, especially those for whom it is not enough the norm of Muslim women attire as stated in the Kur’an more than fourteen centuries ago, which prescribed that a Muslim woman come to pray with a covered head, unveiled face, covered arms to her fists and covered legs down to the ankles.  If a Muslim woman can appear this way in front of the ‘Face of God’, why can’t she come up in front of any creature which He created?  If this is not the result of ideological compulsion, as is the case of burka in Afghanistan during the Taliban period, or the result of someone’s own initiative to imitate the Prophet’s (a.s.) women, about whom the Kur’an explicitly states that they “are not like other women” (Al-Ahzab, 32), and, analogous to that, these later ones cannot be, even if they wanted to, as those earlier ones, then the insistence on wearing a burka and niqab is mostly a question of personal choice and the least a question of faith and religious belief.  If the experts for human rights agree that this part of apparel cannot be omitted from the body of human rights, then I am the first one not to allow human rights to be touched, no matter what human rights are in question, but that should not be linked to faith and be justified by faith, turning one’s own religious tradition, in spite of the billion and five hundred million Muslims in the world, into a caricature and anachronistic phenomenon, but that issue has to be put on the level of a personal, individual fashion option and choice.  All up to the time when the ‘ulema’ began to arrive to us from the Arabian peninsula, we did not have problems with burka and niqab. All these five centuries of Islam in Bosnia we had our grandmothers, mothers, sisters, and daughters wearing the recognizable native, Bosnian shawl, by which they covered their heads the way the Kur’an commands, so that never, not even during Communist rule, did this create any difficulty.
What bothers me, personally, in this entire confusion and artificially imposed problem about burka and niqab is this: Some Muslims are not able to comprehend that a billion more important issues exist which, for their own sake, should be resolved as soon as possible.  After that is done, they can take the rest of their free time to debate the issue of burka and niqab, because that is the last of the ‘important’ things in the line of priorities which today stand before such a large number of Muslims, who can only prove themselves as a large biological factor but who have no vital influence in the world market of ideas and other kinds of accomplishments.  I would be happier if I could see in tomorrow’s Bosnia as many as possible of the best trained Muslim women university professors, with a strong consciousness of their own religious identity and values, whether they wore a shawl or not, than to see a crowd of women captured in burka and niqab, cut from the world and from life.  Islam gave freedom and dignity to many women in the Muslim world, but others were enslaved and humiliated by some Muslim rulers who took away their freedom and basic human rights in the twenty first century, and despised them as a necessary evil, something they cannot do without.
Oslobođenje: Such an atmosphere in Europe is being misused by certain circles in the Republika Srpska, who are demanding the outlaw of niqab in Bosnia and Hercegovina.  How do you comment on this?
Hafizović: This is pure manipulation and abuse, as in everything else so far.  The government in the smaller BiH entity [Republika Srpska] does not care about secular Europe and her struggle for secular European values.  That government is only interested in the means of turning off the world’s attention from all that government and its institutions are responsible for.  The said government knows that it rests on two criminal pillars, that is, the police and the military of that entity, while both of these institutions have been condemned by an international court for genocide, and that is why efforts have to be made to remove them.  That government knows that it does not cooperate sufficiently with the state institutions of this land, that it ignores every criticism that comes from a variety of political and diplomatic international circles, for not arresting and processing hundreds of war criminals who not only walk freely throughout this land and the world, but many of whom have high positions in the institutions of that entity. That government knows that the entity it controls is marked by hundreds of massive graves with remains of executed Bosniaks and it is deliberately hiding the evidence from domestic and international investigators.  Finally, that government, by misusing the European debate regarding burka and niqab, is trying, after not being able to break up this country, to convince the world that ‘Bosnia is becoming an oasis of White terrorism,’ and, because of that, it has to be stopped on her road to European integration and it has to be isolated as the bottomless pit of the Balkans.  That is the ultimate purpose of the entire initiative regarding burka and niqab which comes from the smaller BiH entity.
Oslobođenje: Having also in mind the results of the referendum in Switzerland about the ban of minarets, can we talk here of a growing anti-Muslim atmosphere in the West?
Hafizović:  In the West, in a lesser or greater measure, an anti-Muslim environment exists since the fall of Granada in 1492.  The fact is that the West is not completely happy with the presence of tens of millions of Muslims in its midst, not being aware that Islam, with its basic values, after the period of Muslim Sicily and Spain, and later the Balkans too, is woven into the heart of West European cultural identity.  Not knowing or not wishing to know that, the West, especially the integrating Europe, is not even able to finish the story of its own cultural identity.  It will not be able to finalize that process until it recognizes what the Muslims gave to it, and that Muslim values are imbedded in European architecture, music, literature, philosophy, art, and other civilized achievements.  They can easily find out about it, if they wish to, because there are mountains of manuscripts and written literature about it. In that way, the traditional anti-Muslim environment in Europe and in the West would disappear or, at least, diminish.  The case of Switzerland only indicates how in Europe still, at least occasionally, the virus of Islamophobia reigns, but some Muslims in Europe and in the West often bear responsibility for such a climate. Inept in their own intellectual tradition and infected by the virus of Muslim puritanism, they are not able to establish even intra-Islamic communication, and even less communication with their surroundings.  The words of Rabbi Joseph Krauskopf in his book Jews and Moors in Spain (Kansas City, 1887), in which he describes the situation in Spain after the expulsion of Muslims and Jews, can also be applied to them today.  He states: “It was too late for Spain to call the Moriscos (Muslims) back.  Arabs-Muslims, as they once lived in Spain, did not exist any more. Their descendents, unenlightened Bedouins, are roaming through the vastness of Africa, which once their ancestors illuminated and civilized by their scholarship….a deep, much too deep darkness reigns now on the Arabian peninsula.” According to that, when the Muslims, especially those in the West, change their attitude toward their own tradition of thinking and believing, they will also change their present situation, as well as their relationship with their neighbors.
Oslobođenje: You are from Srebrenica. How do you comment the events commemorating the fifteenth anniversary of the genocide: From the coming of Tadić [President of Serbia] and Erdogan [PM of Turkey] to the new Dodik’s provocations, and the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina is probably the only country in Europe whose state parliament did not take a stand regarding the issue of the Srebrenica genocide?
Hafizović: I participated at the latest jenaza in Potočari.  My sister, after burying her only son, buried her husband on that day.  That was the real reason for my being there. Otherwise, lately, I avoid going to Potočari on that particular day, because every year one can hear there too many phony speeches from [our] politicians and foreign diplomats, as well as sanctimonious haughtiness from our religious leadership.  All of them, on that day, pour crocodile tears, deliver self-promoting speeches, and then leave and don’t remember Potočari and Srebrenica anymore.
As far as Tadić and Erdogan are concerned, they were the brightest figures there yet.  If not from human, then at least from well-thought diplomatic and state reasons, Tadić found courage and came to Potočari.  To the Western public, he presented himself as a humanist and democrat, and to his country, he opened the door toward Brussels a little more.  At this moment, nothing more can be expected from him neither here nor in Belgrade.
Erdogan is, no doubt, our friend, a big diplomat, a statesman and cordial lobbyist for Bosnia.  By one move, he does more for his, as well as for our homeland than an entire gang of our politicians during their four-year-long mandate.  However, unfortunately, neither Erdogan, nor Tadic it seems, have a worthy interlocutor among the Bosniak political and religious leadership.
The fact that our state parliament is the only such institution that did not take a clear stand regarding the definition of genocide in Srebrenica, as opposed  to most of the democratic world, clearly tells that Bosniak politicians on the state level are neither capable nor responsible, and that even there Dodik’s politics dominate absolutely.  And all of that, is only a tribute we are paying because of the spite-politics of some Bosniak politicians, and, as God is my witness, because of our religious leadership too, which, as our readers will remember, was blowing strongly into Dodik’s sails during the last elections, so that the largest Bosniak political party lost the elections in the larger BiH entity, and its leader lost his seat for the Presidency of BiH.  All of this is only an indicator of how unworthy are the hands into which the political and religious scepters in this land have fallen.  Now we have got what we have got.
Oslobođenje: Turkey has been more and more intensively coming back onto the world scene as an influential factor.  Do you think that her growing interest for this area can help consolidate the situation in the region?
Hafizović: Despite the suspicion that comes from Belgrade’s Orientalist circles and the appraisal of how a new Ottomanization is taking place in the Balkans, a return of Turkey to these areas would bring betterment to all.  Turkey is a true regional power that has a good reputation in the Muslim world as well as in the West.  She is an important member of the NATO and a strong ally of America.  She has a clear-cut Muslim majority, but also clearly recognizable secular values. It has evolved to such an extent that it has become a strong factor of stability and is, perhaps, more indispensable to Europe, than Europe to her.  Today, Turkey has the best and most capable first political and state echelon, which has proven that it can gather together within twenty-four hours and in one place, yesterday’s enemies or adversaries and sign with them a declaration which includes an important and beneficial strategy for all sides. Today, the Turkish voice is being heard far away and it is seriously listened to.  That is why neither we nor anyone in the Balkan region should be deaf to that voice.
Oslobođenje: It seems that BiH foreign policy, especially, if I may say, the part shaped by the Bosniak leadership, is not capable of defining itself toward the countries of the Islamic world in a way that would enable Bosnia and Herzegovina to remain between the East and the West: Is this actually possible?
Hafizović: Bosniak foreign policy is so bad that I ask myself if it exists at all.  In that segment, practically we don’t have a serious human figure, no one with a recognizable and influential diplomatic handwriting and footprint.  That’s why it is difficult even to expect some perceptible foreign policy, especially one that would establish an equilibrium of Bosnian relationship toward the East and the West, as is the case with Turkey.  Otherwise, I think that it is possible to institute such relations.  Moreover, with all the objections that we could utter regarding our foreign policy during the Presidency of the late Alija Izetbegović, it should be said that such type of relationships, although not precisely perfect, nevertheless existed at the time.  It can be done again, but we need politicians totally differently designed in their mental framework, in their education, and general culture.
Oslobođenje: New elections will take place in two months, do you think that after the third of October we will have more reasons for optimism than today?
Hafizović: If we will have to choose new officials from the actual political scene, well-known to us for the last fifteen years, I think there is not room for optimism.  The new names on the present election lists, who are promising us a better future, are, in my opinion, even worse because with them the old Nicean marriage bond between politics and religion, as a dark reflection of Emperor Constantine and Egyptian bishop Athanasius is coming back on the local scene.  That cannot be good in any way.  We would return into the deep darkness of the past centuries, and precisely in that darkness from said bond, comes out a witchy egg from which there is no healthy offspring, only much blood and dying.
All Bosnians and Herzegovinians who have respect for themselves, will vote for people who will not suck their blood and that of their children through a straw, but those people who will take them into the twenty-first century and into the safe haven of the best achievements of modern civilization.  Every sober Bosnian and Herzegovinian must know that during the next elections he does not only vote in his name, but in the name of every child, grandchild, and great-grandchild, for the future of this land, which should be the only ground under our feet.  Having that in mind, let everyone listen to his consciousness, and in the depth of his heart cries out to God – which is so human to do – to enlighten his mind on that day and help him make the best decision.
Oslobođenje: To conclude, could you tell our readers what are you presently working on?
Hafizović: Many things are in the process of becoming a reality.  Momentarily, I’m finishing a manuscript on Islam in European cultural identity.  I’m also trying to finish the fourth, and last, volume of a big Arabian manuscript that was written in the seventeenth century by one of the best known Bosniak intellectuals, Abdullah-efendy Bosniak, as the most beautiful “Commentary on Gems of Prophetic Wisdom” ever written in the time period of eight centuries.  The Commentary itself refers to the fundamental work of sufi literature ‘Fusus al-Hikam’, which was written by a truly European Muslim, the famous Andalusian mystical philosopher Muhjuddin Ibn ‘Arabi in the twelfth century.  The entire translation of the manuscript into Bosnian, out of which three volumes have already been published, will be of about 2,000 pages long.  This is what I’m finishing at the moment and it should be the first of my present projects to see the light of day.

HRVATSKE ŠKOLSKE POČETNICE U NEDAVNOJ PROŠLOSTI I DANAS

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Hrvatsko slovo

27. kolovoza 2010.

HRVATSKE ŠKOLSKE POČETNICE

U NEDAVNOJ PROŠLOSTI I DANAS

Od domoljublja do nacionalne samozataje

Piše: Ante Čuvalo

Stara izreka veli da je knjiga najbolji prijatelj. Ali ima svakovrsnih knjiga. One mogu biti što god čovjek od njih želi napraviti — mogu biti izvor znanja, kulture, lijepog odgoja i nadahnuća ili, s druge strane, mogu biti oruđe za pranja mozga, zaglupljivanje i manipulaciju; mogu biti izvor mržnje i drugih zala; mogu biti otrov…. Shvaćajući važnost knjige i školstva, razne ideologije, vlastodršci i svi oni koji su željeli i žele nametnuti svoje svjetonazore i premoć nad drugima nastojali su čim prije i što čvršće zavladati školstvom i osvojiti tvrđave znanja.

Ima već podulje godina otkako se u mojoj kućnoj knjižnici nalaze dvije hrvatske pučkoškolske početnice iz dva različita doba. Obje sam sa sobom donio iz Amerike. Prva je stigla u Ameriku poslije Drugog svjetskog rata, a druga je prodavana u nekadasnjoj (srpskoj) knjižari „Palandich“ u Chicagu, koja je, dakle, širena i među Hrvatima u svijetu, odnosno iz koje su učila (neka) hrvatska djeca u Americi.

Prva knjiga je Moj dom – Početnica i čitanka za I. godište pučkih škola u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj. Zagreb: Nakladni odjel Hrvatske državne tiskare, 1942. , 122 str. Druga je Početnica i čitanka za I. razred osnovne škole. Sastavio radni odbor; (za rad. odbor Ante Blaženčić). Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, 1949., 128 str. Udžbenici nam, pa čak i oni za najmlađe, mogu poslužiti kao prozorčići u tadašnja vremena i zato sam pregledao i analizirao ove dvije početnice te ovdje dijelim s vama što mi je zapelo za oko. Ali ove dvije početnice zaslužuju i dodatak. Naime, ne će biti na odmet ako malo zavirimo u udžbenike kojima se danas služe đaci prvog razreda u Republici Hrvatskoj i prvaši u djelovima Bosne i Hercegovine (Federaciji) gdje dobrim dijelom žive Hrvati. Dakle, pođimo redom.

Početnica iz 1942.

knij-206x300Ova početnica je tvrdo uvezana, prednja korica je u veselim bojama; na njoj su narisana djeca u različitim hrvatskim narodnim nošnjama, veseli su, uzbuđeni, bezbrižni, beru cvijeće…. Htjelo se naglasiti da djeca s veseljem idu u školu, ali zasigurno i činjenicu da su sada u svojoj hrvatskoj državi. Na naslovnoj stranici piše ne samo da je to početnica i čitanka za I. godište pučkih škola, nego se naglašuje da je to „u Nezavisnoj državi Hrvatskoj.“ Tu su i mali hrvatski grb i troplet, ali i ideološki znak: sićušno slovo „U“ iznad grba. Na prvih 33 stranice na svakoj stranici ima jedan ili više crteža, svi su uglavnom iz života na selu, djeca i odrasli su u narodnim nošnjama, u veselim su bojama i veselu zanosu. Poslije 33. stranice manje je crteža i crno-bijeli su. U Početnici, to jest prvom dijelu knjige, sva su štiva tipično dječja, bez ideoloških primjesa. Jedino na stranici 26 nacrtana je skupina djece kako koracaju pod hrvatskim barjakom i kratak tekst koji govori kako će se i oni boriti za domovinu Hrvtsku, te završava „Živjela Hrvatska!“

Drugi dio knjige, to jest „Čitanka“, ima sljedeće podnaslove: Zima odlazi, Proljeće, Ljeto, Dom i škola, Bog i domovina, Čovjek i rad te Priroda i stvari. Dio „Bog i domovina“ sadrži sljedeća štiva: „U selu“, „Gorsko selo“, „Grad“, „Zavičaj“ i „Domovina“, te pjesme: „Molitva“, „Uskrs“, „Večernja zvona“, „Hrvatsko selo“, „Željeznica“, „Domovini“ i „Mali Hrvat“.

Početnica iz 1942. je zasigurno domoljubna i to, moglo bi se reći, veselo domoljubna. Uz znanje, ona nastoji u djeci potaknuti ljubav za njihovo selo, kraj i domovinu. U njoj nema nikakvih oblika mržnje protiv ikoga ili ičega. Bosna i Hercegovina je uključena kao dio domovine i u knjizi se govori o Bajramu kao i o Božiću, te o Džaferu i Salki kao i o Mari, Đuki i Stipi. Na koncu štiva „Domovina“ uskliče se „Živjela Hrvatska!“ i uz to se ipak dodaje „Živio Poglavnik!“ (st. 94.)

Početnica iz 1949.

knij2Ova početnica je mekih korica u tmurnim bojama. Dečko i curica, koji idu u školu, također su u potištenim bojama, preozbiljni su i u manje ili više, „nedefiniranim“ seljačkim narodnim odorama. Svi crteži u knjizi su crno-bijeli. Drugi dio, „Čitanka“, nije podijeljen na podnaslove nego su štiva i pjesme razbacani bez kakva tematskog reda, ali između uobičajenih dječjih štiva stalno se ubacuju i ona s ideološkim nabojem. Već na stranici 16 je crtež dečka Mome s „partizankom“ kapom na glavi i u „pionirskoj“ odori, a onda slijede i druga djeca u takvim odorama. Na stranici 20 djeca (koja tek uče slova!) raduju se zidnim novinama izvješenim na ploči s dvije petokrake. Na str. 26 predstavljeno je slovo „T“, ali nije teško pogoditi kako se najbolje pamti slovo „T“! Tu je nacrtana skupina ljudi koji nose Titovu sliku i natpise: „Tito, Tito, Tito; Svi smo Titovi, Tito nas vodi“. Ispod slike je tekst:

Sav je narod veseo:

Ti-to, Ti-to, Ti-to!

Tito nas voli.

Mi smo Titovi.

Tito je sin domovine.

S Titom je sav narod.

Svi smo Titovi.

Slovo „P“ se vježbalo uz tekst kako pioniri stupaju i pjevaju, u pionirskim su odorama i s „partizanakom“ na glavi, te s jugo-zastavama i natpisom „Tito“ (str. 30).

A na strani 31 tata Pajo iz Armije piše pismo sinu Peri i u pismu naglašava kako pioniri „vole Tita i armiju“. „O“ – otac se vraća iz rata. Naravno s „partizankom“ na glavi, u od Nijemaca popaljeno selo. „Š“ – u šumi su partizani, „Narod je poslušao Šimuna. Šuma je štitila narod.“ „B“ – „Bila je borba“ (uz crtež partizana na fronti). Švabe su palile sela i ubijali narod. „Sa Švabama su išli ustaše“. „Borba nam je donijela pobjedu“. „Danas više nema rata. Mi smo pobijedili. Nema više ustaša ni Švaba. Borba nas je spasila. Mi smo slobodni.“ Zanimljivo je da nema više ustaša, al’ se ne kaže da nema četnika!

Kako bi se moglo učiti slovo „Z“ a ne govoriti o zvijezdi, odnosno zvijezdi petokraki. Tu je i Zoran koji je crtao zvijezde za „vrijeme Švaba“, bio zatvoren, partizani ga oslobodili, i on postao partizan. Na crtežu su zgrade s nacrtanim zvijzdama po zidu i imenom Tito, latinicom i ćirilicom. „Zvijezda je znak slobode. Svi, koji se bore za slobodu, nose crvenu zvijezdu…. Zato i mi nosimo zvijezdu na kapama. I mi smo nosili borcima jelo i poštu.“ „Borbom su protjerali Švabe i izdajice.“ A zna se, izdajice su bili svi koji nisu bili za Tita i partizane!

„F“ se najbolje uči uz riječ fašisti! Tako su fašisiti odveli postolara Franu i mučili ga da izda svoje drugove, osudili ga na smrt a on, „Pod vješalima je uskliknuo: Smrt fašizmu – Sloboda narodu!“ (str. 47)

Riječi Hrvoje i Hrvat pomažu kod učenja slova „H“, ali ne daj Bože da se to ne bi „uravnotežilo“ s „J“ i „S“! Tekst glasi: „Hrvoje i Jovo dva su dobra druga. Hrvoje je Hrvat, a Jovo je Srbin. Hrvati i Srbi zajedno su oslobodili Hrvatsku od fašista.“ (str. 49)

„Ž“ se najlakše uči uz riječi Žarko, Živko i živjeli, posebice sljedećim uzvicima:

Živjeli pioniri!

Živio Maršal Jugoslavije drug Tito!

Živjela hrabra jugoslavenska armija!

Živjela Narodna Republika Hrvatska! (str. 53).

„Lj“ se uči uz priču o ljubavi, ali ne o svakakvoj, nego o „Bratskoj ljubavi“(str. 59). Tu je crtež dječaka u srpskoj i vršnjaka mu u hrvatskoj (zagorskoj) narodnoj nošnji. Stevo i Ivo pjevaju „Druže Tito, naš rođeni brate, što sjedini Srbe i Hrvate.“ A zatim Smilja i Ljerka pjevaju onu poznatu „ Druže Tito, ljubičice bijela….“, a ispod pjesme je usklik: „Za domovinu – Za Tita Naprijed!“ (str. 60)

Slijedi „Čitanka“, koja je prepuna revolucije, Tita, partizana, petogodišnjeg plana, tvornica, pionira udarnika, te fašista i narodnih neprijatelja…. „Čitanka“ ima 65 stranica i na njima nabrojih spominjanje pionira 20 puta, a jedan od njih obećaje: „Ljubit ću svoje roditelje i braću, sav radni narod, svoju domovinu i druga Tita, a mrziti sve one, koji bi htjeli da nam otmu slobodu.“ Drugi pionir odmah poslije prvog razreda odlazi „na prugu“. Djeca marširaju, igraju se rata protiv fašista koji se spominje 11 puta. Titovo ime se spominje 20 puta; partizani (spasioci) 7 puta, čak i Acu Rankovića jednom. Pri koncu se slavi „narodna armija“, „narodni heroji“, a kako bi knjiga mogla proći bez pjesmice „Titovo kolo – koga ne bi vo’lo!“ Tito je „Bosi dječak“ kojeg „od škole nije mogao odvratiti ni studeni vjetar, ni kiša.“ „Taj negdašnji dječak današnji je heroj, maršal Jugoslavije, naš Josip Broz-Tito.“ Na kraju je i najveća radost mladih pionira, susret i slika s drugom Titom! A knjiga završava poklikom „Za domovinu – Za Tita – Naprijed!“

O bratstvu Srba i Hrvata trabalo je iz malena pjevati:

Dva rođena brata:

Srbin uz Hrvata.

Srca složno biju,

Oči radost siju.

Ruka ruku steže

I bratstvo ih veže. (str. 77).

Plodove takvog odgoja i bratstva najbolje smo vidjeli unatrag nekoliko godina u Vukovaru, Gospiću, Škabrinji, Dubrovniku….

Početnice ovodobne

Sad zavirimo i u udžbenike prvog razreda naših dana. U ruci su mi dva udžbenika i radne bilježnice koje idu uz njih: Ante Bežen i Vesna Budinski. Prvi koraci: Početnica za prvi razred osnove škole. Zagreb, Profil, 2007., (148 str.) i Radna bilježnica (100 str.). Dr. sc. Ivan De Zan et al. Naš svijet 1: Udžbenik prirode i društva s CD-om za 1. razred osnovne škole. Zagreb,Školska knjiga, 2008., (94 str.) i Radna bilježnica (68 str.).

knij3Pri prvom pogledu lako je zamijetiti da su ovi udžbenici ljepši, moderniji, pedagoški suvremeniji i djeci „prijateljskiji“ od onih iz „bivših“ vremena. Usput zamijetih, premda se u njima govori o modernom životu, oni ni ne spominju kompjutere/računala, a znamo da današnja djeca u tim godinama, u najviše slučajeva, počinju „kljucati“ po tim modernim „mozgovima“. Ali ovdje ne ćemo o tome, nego je riječ o ideološkim „crtama“ u pučkoškolskim početnicama.

Nije teško uočiti da su ovo „gradske“ knjige, pripremljene za gradsku djecu. Dvije knjige pod naslovom Prvi koraci nemaju ništa o selu, kao da i ne postoji. U Radnoj bilježnici ima četiri crteža indijanskih „šatora“ (tipee) iza koji poviruju dva mališana u indijanskim tradicionalnim nošnjama (str. 21), ali nema ništa o hrvatskim selima ili koji crtež iz tolikog bogatstva hrvatskih narodnih nošnji. U udžbeniku Naš svijet ima poglavlje „Selo – mjesto u kojem živim“, ali nema tu ništa o seljacima ili životu na selu, nego nešto malo kako kuće na selu imaju okućnice.

Kad je riječ o domoljublju, stvari stoje ovako: U udžbeniku Prvi koraci, na stranici koja govori o slovu „H“ nacrtana je knij4karta Republike Hrvatske „obučena“ u crveno-bijele kockice. Tu je i velikm slovima ime „Hrvatska“ i rečenica „Hrvatska je moja domovina“. (str. 54.) Kod učenja pisanog slova „N“ uvrštena je pjesma „Naš put“ koja na dva mjesta spominje „Lijepu našu.“ Nadat se je da učitelji ipak tumače djeci o kojoj se zemlji radi. Radna bilježnica koja ide uz gore spomenutu početnicu spominje Hrvatsku opet samo kod vježbanja slova „H“. Tekst glasi: „Hrvatska je moja domovina. Volim Hrvatsku. Tu sam se rodio. Hrvatska je lijepa.“ (str. 68)

Udžbenik Naš svijet je ipak nešto slikovitiji kad se tiče Hrvatske. Tu je crtež škole, a pred školom visi hrvatski barjak (str. 10.), a u razredu iznad ploče visi hrvatski grb (str. 18.). U poglavlju o blagdanima govori se i o „Danu neovisnosti“ (str. 81.). Uz sliku s nekoliko hrvatskih zastavica, tekst poučava: „Domovina je država u kojoj živimo. Naša se domovina zove Republika Hrvatska. Dan neovisnosti slavimo 8. listopada. Mi volimo svoju domovinu.“ Djeca trebaju odgovoriti kako su proslavili Dan neovisnosti i opisati hrvatsku zastavu. Na str. 57. Radne bilježnice djeca uvježbavaju ono što je rečeno i zadano u udžbeniku uz „Dan neovisnosti“.

Zamijetiti je da se u ovim udžbenicima dobro pazi da ne bi „pretjerali“ u „hrvatovanju“. Domoljublje je ograničeno na Republiku Hrvatsku i za one koji su rođeni u njoj. Ali nema nikakve poruke malim Hrvatićima koji su rođeni izvan RH, negdje u svijetu, a koji se budu služili ovim početnicama. Ima li potrebe i njima natuknuti što bi Hrvatska za njih trebala znači i tko su Hrvati, premda nisu rođeni u Republici Hrvatskoj?

knij5Udžbenici kojima se služe prvaši u županijma Bosne i Hercegovine (Federacije) u kojima obitavaju Hrvati su slijedeći: Terezija Zokić, Jadranka Bralić i Marija Musa. Početnica – Tajna slova – za 1. razred osmogodišnje osnovne škole. Mostar, Školska naklada, 2007., (202 str.), Terezija Zokić i Jadranka Bralić. Radna bilježnica B za hrvatski jezik u 1. razredu osnovne škole – Tajna slova 1. Zagreb, Školska knjiga, 2007., (122str.), Dr. sc. Ivan DeZan i dr. sc. Mario Vasilj. Priroda i društvo – Udžbenik za prvi razred osnovne škole, Mostar: Školska naklada, 2006., (72str.).

Čim se otvore knjige tiskane u Mostaru vidi se da su morale proći kroz pet različitih „imprimatura“! Kako je u Bosni i Hercegovini sve „zapuntano u drači i kupini“, tako je i s udžbenicima. U tom metežu, Hrvati posebice moraju biti knij6oprezni da ih se ne okrivi za razbijanje države (jer takvima su oduvijek bili!). Ta se opreznost i samozataja očituje i u ovim početnicama. Tako se sramežljivo provukla riječ „Hrvat“ u Početnici na str. 84. i u Radnoj bilježnici na str 60 kao primjer riječi koje počinju slovom „H“. Isto tako „Hercegovina“ u Početnici na str. 149. Na 183. str. počinje dio knjige „Ljepote našeg jezika“ i srećom ispod naslova je slika na kojoj piše „hrvatski“. Dakle, ipak učimo hrvatski, a ne „naški“. U udžbeniku Priroda i društvo zmijetiti je (str. 18) da na slici vise miniaturni crven-bijeli-plavi barjačići i to je sve što se tiče nacionalnog identiteta hrvatske djece. Ovo je samo sićušni uzorak prilika u BiH. Treba već od malih nogu nametnuti ne „ideologiju“ zdrave ljubavi za ono tko smo i što smo, te u isto vrijeme prihvaćanje i poštivanje drugih i drugačijih, nego „ideologiju“ samozataje (barem kod Hrvata) i prešućivanja drugih.

Zaključne misli

Analizirane početnice tek su mali uzorci vremena u kojima su pisane. Prve dvije (iz 1942. i 1949.) pisane su u razmaku od samo sedam godina, obje za hrvatsku djecu (ili ova druga za djecu Hrvatske!), ali između njih je ogroman jaz. Ona iz 1942. nastoji promicati hrvatsko domoljublje i radost da Hrvati imaju državu. U njoj nema nekih ideoloških, ustaških, natruha osim na dva mjesta. Druga (ona iz 1949.) je puna revolucije, Tita, partizana i pionira koji bi već u tim godinama trebali znati sto je fašizam, petogodišnji plan, ići „na prugu“, biti udarnici i mrziti druge koji su protivnici režima. To je početnica za mlade revolucionare!

Stječe se dojam da su današnje početnice iz RH oprezne u domoljublju, posebice Prvi koraci, a o onima iz BiH, kojima se služe uglavnom hrvatska djeca, da i ne govorim. I jedne i druge, čini se, „lakše“ govore o vjerskim blagdanima, nego o domoljublju. Dok, recimo, u Americi od najmlađih školskih dana djeci se ulijeva ljubav za Ameriku, nacionalni ponos, a vjersko je ostavljeno za privatne škole, Crkvu i obitelj. Udžbenici pokazuju da kod nas u ova vremena njegovanje i jačanje domoljublja ipak nije politički korektno ili probitačno.

Uspoređujući spomenute početnice, zaključiti nam je da je jedino ona iz 1949. (i slične koje su slijedile u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji) bila puna ideološkog nasilja, u prvom redu nad sićušnom djecom, a zatim nad roditeljima i učiteljima koji su morali to s djecom čitati, gledati i slušati. Ali posljedice ovog i ovakih udžbenika osjećaju se i danas. Svjedoci smo da jedan broj ljudi koji su učili iz ovakvih početnica još uvijek živi u svjetonazoru kojim su bili zadojeni kao „pioniri“. Oni i dalje vode borbu koju je u šumi „započeo drug Tito.“ Premda su „potjerali Švabe i izdajice“, naprijatelji im se, kao fatamorgana, stalno pojavljuju pred očima. Vidimo ih i danas u kapama „partizankama“, pioniriskim maramama i sa slikom njima nezaboravnog i dragog diktatora. Jednostavno se ne mogu osloboditi prošloti; ostali su i dalje na rubu „šume.“ Bilo bi ipak vrijeme da takvi, i svi koji žive u ideološkim bunkerima bilo koje vrste, iziđu iz njih i osjete što znači biti stvarno slobodan čovjek. Ali „zub vremena“ će i dalje mljeti sve ideološke zablude, a u tim svim mijenama važno je da hrvatski pedagozi priređuju početnice koje će prvaši s radošću čitati, koje će biti zanimljivi izvori znanja i radosti, koje će zacrtavati temelje dobrog karaktera, samopouzdanja, samosvijesti i zdrava ponosa na ono tko su i što su, poštivanje svih ljudi, kao i ljubav za svoj hrvatski narod, kulturu i domovinu.

An incomplete list of recent Ph. D. dissertations dealing with Croatia(ns) and Bosnia-Herzegovina

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An incomplete list of recent Ph. D. dissertations dealing with Croatia(ns) and Bosnia-Herzegovina

Prepared by Ante Čuvalo

CROATIA

Adeli, Lisa M. From Jasenovac to Yugoslavism: Ethnic persecution in Croatia during WWII. University of Arizona, 2004.
Anic, Rebeka. Die Frauen in der Kirche Kroatiens im 20. Jahrhundert. Universität Wien, 2001.
Augter, Steffi. Negotiating Croatia’s recognition: German foreign policy as two level game. University of London, 2002.
Babinka, Slavica. Multi-tracer study of karst waters and lake sediments in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina Plitvice Lakes National Park and Bihac area. Bonn, University, 2007.
Baric, Daniel. La langue allemande en Croatie, 1815-1848 étude interculturelle. Université de soutenance. 2007.
Bogojeva Magzan, Masha. Music as an ideological construct prevailing ideology in the music curricula in Croatia before and after its independence. Kent State University, 2005.
Bozic-Roberson, Agneza. The politicization of ethnicity as a prelude to ethnopolitical conflict: Croatia and Serbia in former Yugoslavia. Western Michigan University, 2001.
Božić-Vrbančić, Senka. Celebrating Forgetting: The Formation of Identity and Memories by Tarara in New Zealand. University of Auckland, 2004.
Cann, Sarah. The politics of ethnic identity in everyday life at the local level in Croatia. University of Edinburgh, 2006.
Caspersen, Nina Fallentin. Intra-ethnic competition and inter-ethnic conflict : Serb elites in Croatia and Bosnia, 1990-1995. University of London, 2006.
Cavka, Majda. Mental health and coping strategies in war and post-war time in Croatian [i.e. Croatia]: A longitudinal study. Univ. Zürich, 2002.
Çela, Arijana. Estimating the economic impact of tourism: A comparative analysis of Albania, Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Greece. University of Northern Iowa, 2007.
Chaveneau, Emmanuelle. La Croatie, nouvel Etat européen. Essai de géographie politique. Université Paris-Sorbonne, 2004.
Clewing, Konrad. Staatlichkeit und nationale Identitätsbildung: Dalmatien in Vormärz und Revolution. Universität München, 1997.
Dalbello, Marija. Croatian diaspora almanacs: A historical and cultural analysis. University of Toronto, 1999.
Dedaic, Mirjana N. Discursive construction of national identity in American, South African, and Croatian 1999 state of the nation addresses. Georgetown University, 2004.
Domic, Dino. The historically situated Croat: A critical ethnographic investigation of post-war consumer behaviour in relation to museum/heritage consumption as linked to individual identity re-construction in Croatia. University of Wolverhampton, 2004.
Dominikovic, Katarina Laura. Traditional agriculture and rural living in Croatia
compatible with the new common agricultural policy? University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Donohue-Davutovic, Angela. Adolescents’ attitudes to and experiences of growing up in post-conflict Croatia. University of Melbourne, 2008.
Dvarskas, Anthony. The role of water quality in beach visitation decisions in Croatia
implications for development of the tourism industry. University of Maryland, College Park, 2007.
Elfers, Ann Marie. Education policy and practice in the new Croatian state: Responses from the private sector. University of Washington, 2000.
Ercegovac, Peter Anthony. Competing national ideologies, cyclical responses: The mobilisation of the Irish, Basque and Croat national movements to rebellion against the state. University of Sydney, 1999.
Faivre, Sanja. Formes de relief et tectonique dans la montagne de Velebit (Dinarides externes, Croatie). Université de Clermont-Ferrand II, 2000.
Feldman, Andrea. Imbro Ignjatijevic Tkalac and Liberalism in Croatia. Yale University, 2009.
Fisher, Sharon Lynne. From nationalist to Europeanist: Changing discourse in Slovakia and Croatia and its influence on national identity. University of London, 2003.
Gal, Diane G. Making meaning in a changing society: A study of teachers and democratic education in Croatia. Columbia University, 2001.
Gitman, Esther. Rescue and survival of Jews in the independent state of Croatia (NDH) 1941-1945. City University of New York, 2005.
Glicksman, Kristina. The Economy of the Roman province of Dalmatia. University of Oxford. 2009
Hofman, Nila Ginger. The Jewish community of Zagreb: Negotiating identity in the new eastern Europe. Purdue University, 2000.
Iskra, Annette. Nobody wins : Psychological effects of war and repatriation in Croatia. University of Chicago, 2007.
Jakelic, Slavica. Religion and collective identity: A comparative study of the Roman Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Slovenia. Boston University, 2004.
Johnson, Jill Ann. Teaching culture: Experience in a Croation diaspora. University of Washington, 2009.
Kayfes, John Anthony. Imagining the Balkans: Croatia and Greece in the political imagination of its political leadership during the interwar years. University of Minnesota, 2004
Kekez, Lovorka. ICCAT, NGOs and Bluefin tuna – Special focus on Croatia. Budapest, Central Europe Univ., 2007.
Kotar, Tamara. Political liberalization in post-communist states: a comparative analysis of church-state relations in Croatia and Slovenia. Carleton University, 2009.
Kusic, Sinisa. Privatisierung im Transformationsprozess: Das Beispiel der Republik Kroatien. Universität, Frankfurt (Main), 2000.
Layton, Katherine S. Education and development for refugees from Bosnia-Herzegovina in Croatia: “Participation” in oppositional contexts. Florida State University, 2000.
Leaning, Marcus. Contributions to a sociology of the Internet: A case study of the use of the Internet in the Republic of Croatia in the 1990s. University of Luton, 2004.
Leutloff-Grandits, Carolin. Claiming ownership in post-war Croatia: The dynamics of property relations and ethnic conflict in the Knin region. Martin-Luther-Universität, Halle-Wittenberg, 2005.
Lindstrom, Nicole Renee. Rethinking sovereignty: The domestic politics of Europeanization in Europe’s southeastern periphery (Croatia, Slovenia). Syracuse University, 2002.
Manzin, Gregoria. Torn identities: Istro-Dalmatian contemporary women’s writing.
University of Melbourne, 2007.
Martinovic, Dean. Das kroatische Deliktsrecht auf dem Weg zur europäischen Integration. Tübingen Universitat, 2006.
Masson, Diane. La construction des systèmes politiques en Serbie et Croatie (1989-1995). Institut d’estudes politiques, Paris, 2000.
Matic, Igor. Digital divide in Istria. Ohio University, 2006.
Meharg, Sarah Jane. Identicide in Bosnia and Croatia: The destruction, reconstruction, and construction of landscapes of identity. Queen’s University, 2003.
Memeti, Lendita. L’Etat candidat à l’Union européenne Translated Title: The State candidate to the European Uion. Eng. Université du droit et de la santé (Lille).; Université de soutenance, 2008.
Morrissey, Christof Nikolaus. National socialism and dissent among the ethnic Germans of Slovakia and Croatia, 1938-1945. University of Virginia, 2006.
Muhic, S. Establishing production in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia & Herzegovina: External influences for companies approaching an appropriate engagement. Technical University of Denmark, 2002.
Munk, Ana. Pallid corpses in golden coffins: Relics, reliquaries, and the art of relic cults in the Adriatic Rim. University of Washington, 2003.
Neill, Debra Renee. Jasenovac and memory :Reconstructing identity in post-war Yugoslavia. Arizona State University, 2007.
Palmer, Peter. The Communists and the Roman Catholic Church in Yugoslavia, 1941-1946. University of Oxford, 2000.
Pavlakovic, Vjeran. Our Spaniards: Croatian communists, fascists, and the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. University of Washington, 2005. University of California, Berkeley, 2005.
Peskin, Victor. Virtual trials: International war crimes tribunals and the politics of state cooperation in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. University of California, Berkeley, 2005.
Razsa, Maple John. Bastards of utopia: An ethnography of radical politics after Yugoslav socialism. Harvard University, 2007.
Reed, Laurel Elizabeth. Approaches to fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century painting in Dalmatia. University of California, San Diego, 2009
Rötting, Michael. Das verfassungsrechtliche Beitrittsverfahren zur Europäischen Union: und seine Auswirkungen am Beispiel der Gotovina-Affäre im kroatischen Beitrittsverfahren. Univ. Frankfurt am Main, 2008.
Segvic, Ivana. Government and the freedom of the press: An 11-year content analysis of three Croatian newspapers. University of Texas at Austin, 2003.
Silic, Dario. Dynamiques de l’intégration régionale de l’économie croate. Université Lumière (Lyon), 2004.
Silovic Karic, Danja. Neither centralism nor federalism : The social democracy in Croatia, 1918-1941. Yale University, 2005.
Smiljanic, Rajka. Lexical, pragmatic and positional effects on prosody in two dialects of Croatian and Serbian: An acoustic study. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2002
Spehar, Andrea. How women’s movements matter: Women’s movements strategies and influence on gender policy formation in post-Communist Croatia and Slovenia. Göteborgs universitet, 2007.
Troude, Gilles. La question nationale en République fédérative socialiste de Youcoslavie de la fin des années cinquante à la fin des années soixante-dix. Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle (Paris). 2003.
Uzelac, Gordana. Perceptions of the nation: A sociological perspective on the case of Croatia. University of London, 2002.
Vrbetic, Marta. The delusion of coercive peacemaking in identity disputes: The case of the former Yugoslavia. Tufts University, 2004.
Vujinovic, Marina. Forging the Bubikopf nation: A feminist political-economic analysis of Zenski list, interwar Croatia’s women’s magazine, for the construction of an alternative vision of modernity. University of Iowa, 2008.
Vuletic, Dean. Yugoslav Communism and the Power of Popular Music. Columbia University, 2010.
Wallace, Richard. The Croatian public sphere and the journalistic milieu. University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2007.
Weber, Joachim. Kroatien: Regionalentwicklung und Transformationsprozesse. Univ. Hamburg, 2000.
Wichmann, Nina. Democratization without societal participation? :The EU as an external actor in the democratization processes of Serbia and Croatia. Bremen, Univ., 2006.
Yeomans, Rory. Ideology, propaganda and mass culture in the Independent State of Croatia, 1941-1945. University of London, Year: 2005.
Zanki Alujevic, Vlasta. Energy use and environmental impact from hotels on Adriatic Coast in Croatia: Current status and future possibilities for HVAC systems. Stockholm: Kungliga tekniska högskolan, 2006.
Zivkovic, Sasa. Capital requirements and measuring market risk in EU new member states and Croatia in light of Basel Committee guidelines. Univ. of Ljubljana, 2007.
Znaor, Darko. Environmental and economic consequences of large-scale conversion to organic farming in Croatia. University of Essex, 2008.
Zühlke, Dietmar. Reforms and foreign direct investment possibilities and limits of public policy in attracting multinational corporations ; a multiple case study of Romania and Croatia. Hohenheim University, 2008.

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

Andjelic, Neven. Bosnia-Herzegovina: Politics at the end of Yugoslavia. University of Sussex, Jun 2000.
Arsenijevic Damir. The politics of poetry in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Re-assessing tradition since the late 1980s. De Montfort University, 2007.
Babinka, Slavica. Multi-tracer study of karst waters and lake sediments in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina: Plitvice Lakes National Park and Bihac area. Bonn University, 2007.
Batic, Goran. The question of national identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina: A micro study of non-Muslim soldiers in the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Municipality of Kakanj. Central European University, 2009.
Buyse, Antoine Christian. Post-conflict housing restitution: The European human rights perspective with a case study on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Leiden, 2007.
Cilliers, Jaco. Local reactions to post-conflict peacebuilding efforts in Bosnia-Herzegovina and South Africa. George Mason University, 2001.
Coles, Kimberley Anne. The object of elections: International workers, electoral practices, and the government democracy in post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina. University of California, Irvine, 2003.
Corpora, Christopher A. Connections, conundrums, and criminality: Understanding local perceptions about and attitudes toward organized crime and corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina. American University, 2005.
Coward, Martin Philip. Urbicide and the question of community in Bosnia-Herzegovina. University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2001.
De la Haye, Jos. Missed opportunities in conflict management:Te case of Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1987-1996. Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 2001.
Dimova, Guinka. Crises, conflits et leur resolution: Le cas des Balkans. Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg), 2008.
Dodds, Shona Elizabeth Helen. The role of multilateralism and the UN in post-cold war U.S. foreign policy: The Persian Gulf, Somalia, Haiti, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Australian National University, 2001.
Dulic, Tomislav. Utopias of nation: Local mass killing in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1941-42. Uppsala University, 2005.
Du Pont, Yannick. Bringing civil society to Bosnia and Herzegovina: OSCE measures to develop civil society. Amsterdam, 2000.
Edmonds, Lorna Jean. The historical account of the context and process of the introduction of CBR and integration of persons with disabilities in Bosnia-Herzegovina 1993-2001. University of East Anglia, 2002.
Eralp, Ulas Doga. The effectiveness of the EU as a peace actor in post-conflict Bosnia Herzegovina: An evaluative study. George Mason University, 2009.
Evans-Kent, Bronwyn. Transformative peacebuilding in post-conflict reconstruction: The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. University of Queensland, 2003.
Ford, Curtis. The (re- )birth of Bosnian: Comparative perspectives on language planning in Bosnia-Herzegovina. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2001.
Freizer, Sabine. What civil society after civil war?: A study of civil society organizations’ effect on peace consolidation in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Tajikistan. University of London, 2004.

García García, Ángel. Otra mirada sobre Yugoslavia: Memoria e historia de la participación de las Fuerzas Armadas Españolas en Bosnia-Herzegovina. Universidad de Murcia, 2004.
Gilbert, Andrew. Foreign authority and the politics of impartiality in postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina. University of Chicago, 2008.
Goodwin, Stephen R. Fractured land, healing nations: A contextual analysis of the role of religious faith sodalities towards peace-building in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Edinburgh, 2005.
Gordon, Stuart. Providing emergency humanitarian assistance in war: An evaluation of the relationship between and operations of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the humanitarian NGO community and the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) in Bosnia Herzegovina 1992-1995. University of Lancaster, 2003.
Gosztonyi, Kristóf. Negotiating in humanitarian interventions: The case of the international intervention into the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Berlin, Freie University, 2003.
Halilovich, Hariz. Forced displacement, popular memory and trans-local identities in Bosnian war-torn communities. University of Melbourne, 2010.
Hamourtziadou, Drosili. National truths: Justifications and self-justifications of three nationalisms in Bosnia-Herzegovina. University of Keele, 2000.
Hansen, Annika S. International security assistance to peace implementation processes :
the cases of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Angola. University of Oslo, 2000.
Hasenclever, Andreas. Die Macht der Moral in der internationalen Politik: Ltärische Interventionen westlicher Staaten in Somalia, Ruanda und Bosnien-Herzegowina. Tübinger Eberhard-Karls-Universität, 2001.
Herrmann-DeLuca, Kristine Ann. Beyond elections: Lessons in democratization assistance from post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. American University, 2002.
Holicek, Reima Ana Maglajlic. Cross-national co-operative inquiry into social work education in England and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Anglia Ruskin University, 2006.
Huh, Jae-Seok. Rethinking the practices of UN peacekeeping operations in the early post-Cold War era: The implications of the cases of Somalia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Kosovo. University of Sheffield, 2008.
Ivanov, Ivan Dimov. Public concerns and perceptions about environment and health in post-communist Muslim societies. Michigan State University, 2004.
Jahic, Galma. Analysis of economic and social factors associated with trafficking in women: Thinking globally, researching locally. Rutgers University, 2009.
Jakelic, Slavica. Religion and collective identity: A comparative study of the Roman Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Slovenia. Boston University, 2004.
Jeffrey, Alexander Sam. Democratization , civil society and NGOs: The case of Brcko District, Bosnia-Herzegovina. University of Durham, 2004.
Jonsson, Inger M. Family meal experiences: Perspectives on practical knowledge, learning and culture. University of Örebro, Sweden, 2004.
Juncos García, Ana E. Cometh the ‘hour of Europe’, cometh the institutions?: Coherence and effectiveness of the EU’s common foreign and security policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1991-2006). Loughborough University, 2007.
Keane, Rory. Creating space in which to live deconstructing binary opposition: The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. University of Limerick, 2000.
Keyes, Emily Fay. The experience of Bosnian refugees living in the United States. University of Virginia, 2000.
Kolouh-Westin, Lidija. Learning democracy together in school?: Student and teacher attitudes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Stockholm University, 2004.
Kostic, Roland. Ambivalent peace: External peacebuilding threatened identity and reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Uppsala University, 2007.
Layton, Katherine S. Education and development for refugees from Bosnia-Herzegovina in Croatia: “Participation” in oppositional contexts. Florida State University, 2000.
Lindvall, Daniel. The limits of the European vision in Bosnia and Herzegovina. An analysis of the police reform negotiations. University of Stockholm, 2009.
McCulloch, Allison. Seeking stability amid deep division: Consociationalism and centripetalism in comparative perspective. Queen’s University (Kingston, Ont.), 2009.
Muhic, S. Establishing production in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia & Herzegovina: External influences for companies approaching an appropriate engagement. Technical University of Denmark, 2002.

Mulvey, Janet Dagmar. Rebuilding a society and its schools: Reconstruction of the primary education system in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Fordham University, 2004.
Nettelfield, Lara. Courting democracy: The Hague Tribunal’s impact in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Columbia University, 2006.
O’Halloran, Patrick Joseph. The role of identity in post-conflict state-building: The case of Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Dayton Agreement. York University, 2001.
Ohanyan, Anna. Winning global policies: The network-based operation of microfinance NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1996-2002. Syracuse University, 2004.
O’Hayon, Gregory Laurent Baudin. Big men, godfathers and zealots: Challenges to the state in the new middle ages (Russia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, France). University of Pittsburgh, 2003.
Oluic, Steven. Bosnia and Herzegovina: Identity, nationalist landscapes and the future of the state. Kent State University, 2005.
Osorio Ramírez, María Amantina. La transformation du lien social: Les parcours migratoires et d’établissement des réfugiés de l’ex-Yougoslavie à la ville de Saguenay et à Joliette. Université de Montréal, 2009.
Owen-Jackson, Gwyneth Ann. Bosnia and Herzegovina: A study of the effects of social and political change on primary schooling, 1878-2002. Open University, 2006.
Palmer, Louis Kendall. Power-sharing extended: Policing and education reforms in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Northern Ireland. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2005.
Parish, Matthew T. Reconstructing a divided society: Learning from northeast Bosnia. University of Chicago, Law School, 2007
Perry, Valery. Democratic ends and democratic means: Peace implementation strategies and international intervention options in Bosnia and Herzegovina. George Mason University, 2006.
Pouligny, Béatrice. Les Missions polyvalentes de maintien de la paix de l’ONU dans leur interaction avec les acteurs locaux sociologie comparative de différentes situations: El Salvador, au Cambodge, en Haiti, en Somalie, au Mozambique et en Bosnie-herzegovine. Paris, Institut d’études politiques : 1999.
Rakic, Svetlana. Serbian icons from Bosnia-Herzegovina (16th-18th century). Indiana University, 1999.
Sadic, Adin. Communication regulatory agency in Bosnia and Herzegovina; 1998 – 2005: History and development. Ohio State University, 2006.
Sahovic, Dzenan. Socio-cultural viability of international intervention in war-torn societies: A case study of Bosnia Herzegovina. Umeå University, 2007.
Segvic, Branimir. Petrologic and geochemical characteristics of the Krivaja-Konjuh ophiolite complex (NE Bosnia and Herzegovina) petrogenesis and regional geodynamic implications. Heidelberg, 2010.
Soule, Suzanne Ruby. The crucible of democracy: Civic education in Bosnia and Herzegovina. University of California, Santa Barbara, 2003.
Starcevic-Srkalovic, Lejla. The democratization process in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina and the role of the European Union. University of Hamburg, 2009.
Thorel, Julien. La France, la République fédérale d’Allemagne et la politique européenne de sécurité à l’épreuve de la question yougoslave. Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle (Paris), 2004.
Tiplic, Dijana. Managing organizational change during institutional upheaval: Bosnia-Herzegovina’s higher education in transition. Oslo University, 2008.
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Troude, Gilles. La question nationale en République fédérative socialiste de Youcoslavie de la fin des années cinquante à la fin des années soixante-dix. Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle (Paris), 2003.
Tsoundarou, Paul. NATO’s eastward expansion and peace-enforcement role in the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia,1994-2004. University of Adelaide, 2007.
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Zelizer, Craig Mitchell.The role of artistic processes in peacebuilding in Bosnia-Herzegovina. George Mason University, 2004.

VALENTIN IVANKVIĆ (1925-2007)

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Blago u Gospodinu preminuo je Valentin Z. Ivanković 29. studenog 2007. u San Pedru, California. Po svim ljutskim procjenama Valentin je bio u izvanrednu zdravlju i

uvijek mladolika izgleda, ali čovjek nikad ne zna kad će ga Gospodin pozvati k sebi.  Tako je i naš Valentin naglo umro u svojoj kući, kraj svoje vjerne gospodje Ernestine, za koju se on nesebično brinuo u njezinim zdravstvenim brigama zadnjih godina.

Valentinov životni put, kao i život cijele njegove generacije u Hrvata, bio je ispleten više trnjem nego ružama, ali on je uz sve (ne)prilike proživio vrlo uspješan i sretan ljutski život.

Valentin je rodjen u Sarajevu od roditelja Andrije i Jake Ivanković, koji su podrijetlom iz sela Trebižat u Hercegovini. Poslije osnovne škole, pohadjao je Drugu drzavnu gimnaziju u Sarajevu i maturirao. Kasnije se doškolovao u Italiji, a u Americi je završio višu komercionalnu školu.

Na koncu Drugog svjetskog rata Valentin se našao sa stotinama tisuća drugih Hrvata na povlačenju prema Austriji.  Ali za razliku od većine, on je imao sreću i izvukao se živ, te stigao u Italiju. Kao mlad i sposoban čojvek dao se na rad oko pomaganja izbjeglicama.  U Hrvatskom zavodu sv. Jeronima susreo je, medju ostalim hrvatskim svećenicima, Monsignora Antu Golika, koji mu je povjerio tajništvo ureda za izbjeglice iz tkzv. Istočne Europe.

Godine 1947. Valentin stiže u Ameriku i dolazi u Los Angeles. Nije gubio vrijeme, nego se dao na posao i doškolovanje.  Medju ostalim, radio je 40 godina za veliku trgovačku kuću S.H. Kress.  Njegova sposobnost, marljivost i profesionalizam dovele su ga do mjesta predsjednika Kress-a na zapadnoj strani Amerike, kao i direktora tvrtke Genesco, vlasnika kuće Kress.

Pet godina nakon dolaska u Novi svijet, Valentine se vjenčao sa Ernestine, te imali su jednu kćerku (Tina Marie) i živjeli 55 godina u sretnom braku.  Kćerka je završila pravo i danas je suvlasnik odvjetničkog ureda u Californiji.  Obitelj je radi Valentinova posla morala nekoliko puta mijenjati mjesto boravka, ali Valentinu je Californija uvijek ostala u srcu, te čim je otišao u mirovinu smjestio se (1981.) u San Pedru.

Premda u mirovini, Valentin nije nikada imao mira. Bio je neumoran u višestranim društvenim djelatnosima.  Samo da napomenemo neke. Bio je jedan od osnivača Hrvatsko-američkog kulturng kluba u San Pedru i njegov predsjednik 10 godina. Pomagao je oko Hrvatskog radio rasporeda u Los Anglesu. Bio je i medju osnivačima Hrvatskog kluba „Bosna“. To ga je valjda podsjećalo na mlade dane u Sarajevu kad je bio vratar za sarajevskog prvoligaša.  Vršio je razne dužnosti u odboru Hrvatske narodne udruge u Los Angeles-u.  Bio je predsjednik Hrvatskog katoličkog obiteljskog udruženja u župi Marije Zvijezde Mora u San Pedru, gdje je pomagao i u liturgijskim slavljima na razne načine. Zadnjih nekoliko godina Valentin je bio predsjednikom Vijeća etničkih zajednica za Nadbiskupiju Los Angeles.  To vijeće okuplja ljude ne samo iz etničkh, nego i različitih vjerskih zajednica u zajedničkim ekumenskim razgovorima i pothvatima. Bila je to delikatna dužnost, ali Valentin ju je uspješno, časno i s ljubavlju obavljao.

Valentin je bio ponosan na svoju katoličku vjeru i hrvatsku nacionalnost, ali uvijek otvoren za sve druge koji su odani miru, dijalogu i čovjekoljublju. Kad je zadnji rat zahvato Hrvatsku i Bosnu i Hercegovinu, bio je neumoran u radu za obranu domovine, ali i u traženju mira. U misiji mira je išao (sa svojim prijateljima Stipom i Louise Bubalo, te Perom Radielović) u razrušeno i ubojitim oružjem okruženo Sarajevo da bi pomogao zaustavljanju besmislenog krvarenja, posebice izmedju Bošnjaka i Hrvata.

Pogreb pok. Valentina bio je istinsko svjedočenje o njegovu životu i radu. Mnoštvo prijatelja i poznanika okupili su se na blagdan sv. Nikole, 6. prosinca, u prostranoj crkvi Marije Zvijezde Mora u San Pedru na posljedni oproštaj sa čovjekom kojeg su cijenili i voljeli.  Misno slavlje je predvodio Msgn. Oscar Solis, pomocni biskup Nadbiskupije Los Angeles, a s njim je koncelebriralo 14 svećenika.  Tu su se takodjer našli predstavnici dvadesetak etničkih i vjerskih zajednica iz Los Angelesa i okolice. Njegova kćerka je zadivila sve svojim govorom, evocirajući život i rad svog tate na kojeg je bila toliko ponosna.

Bilo je to slavlje zahvale Bogu za jedan plodonosan ljudski život; slavlje što je Bog poslao Valentina na ovaj svijet u kojem je djelio sebe sa drugima i uvijk ostao vedar, bistar, nasmijan i pun ljubavi za Boga, Crkvu, svoj hrvatski narod i svakog čovjeka.

U ime mnogobrojnih Valentinovih prijatelja i Saveza Hrvata Bosne i Hercegovine u Americi neka mu je vječni pokoj i hvala za sve što je na ovom svijetu dobra učinio.

Ante Čuvalo – Chicago

Objavljeno: Katolicki tjednik – Sarajevo, i Croatian Chornicle – New York.

Jack Kemp (1935.-2009.)

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image Jack Kemp, poznati američki političar, nekadašnji potpredsjednički kandidat i bivši profesionalni igrač football-a, preminuo je 2. svibnja ove godine.  Tom prigodom američki mediji su detaljno izvjestili o njegovu životu i radu; o njegovim prepoznatljivim gospodarskim, političkim i ideološkim pogledima.  Poznat je bio kao „konzervativac mekog srca.“  Vjerovao je u slobodno tržište, u samopoduzetnišvto, u obiteljske vrednote, individualizam, patriotizam…., ali isto tako je vjerovao da svakome treba pomoći i omogućiti da se sam uzdiže, da napreduje, da uživa u plodovima svog rada.  Radi svojih zdravo-razumskih pogleda i konkretnih pozitivnih političkih pothvata, premda pripadnik republikanske stranake, bio je biran za kongresmana u tradicionalno demokratskom okružju u okolici Buffala, država New York, od 1971 do 1989.

Svrha ovog kratkog nekorloga nije pisati o Kempovom političkim nazorima, premda bi se moglo od njega dosta toga naučiti, nego samo potsjetiti ovom prigodom da je Jack Kemp bio prijatelj Hrvata i gdje je god mogao podržao je naš rad za slobodu i samostalnost.  On je duboko vjerovao u slobodu svakog čovjeka i svakog naroda, te jednostavno je bio dosljedan tom uvjerenju i, dakle, vjerovao da Hrvatska treba biti slobodna i samostalna.  Činjenica da je u njegovu kongresnom uredu radila jedna mlada i okretna američka Hrvatica je svakako koristila da imamo njegovu naklonost, ali pravi razlozi za njegovu podršku su bili dublji od običnih ljudskih poznanstava.  Sijećam se kako su nam vrata u njegovu uredu bila otvorena i kako je podržavao, medju ostalim, naše pothvate oko promicanja medju američkim političarima u Washingtonu lika i imena sad blaženog kardinala Stepinca, kao simbola patnje hrvatskog naroda pod komunističkim i beogradskim režimom i, u isto vrijeme, Stepinaca kao zvijezdu vodilju u radu za slobodu i bolju budućnost.  Kemp nije nikad zatajio.  Ne zaboravimo da je on već iz mladjih dana bio blizak Ronald-u Reagan-u, koji je takodjer bio prijatelj slobode svih naroda pod komunističkim jarmom, a u prvom redu slobode hrvatskog naroda.  Obojica, kao i mnogi drugi iz američkih političkih krugova, zaslužuju naše veliko hvala.

Jack Kemp je bio dobar čovjek, muž, otac, politčar, športaš, domoljub, pisac nekoliko knjiga, autentičan i dosljedan svojim nazorima da pojedinci i narodi trebaju biti slobodni; slobodni u pravom smislu te riječi.  On je želio i hrvatsku slobodu, te dao svoj doprinos našem radu za ostvarenje te slobode, neka mu je na svemu hvala i pokoj vječni.

Ante Čuvalo – Chicago

DR. GEORGE (JURE) PRPIĆ (1920 – 2009)

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image I apologize to my former professor and dear friend, the late Dr. Jure Prpić, and his family for not being able to write a timely obituary in his honor for the Fall 2009 issue of the ACS Bulletin. At the time, my family and I were too preoccupied with our move to Croatia/Bosnia-Herzegovina. However, this short text about him should remind our ACS members and his friends of the life and work of this wonderful man, husband, father, friend, and scholar.

Jure Prpić was born on November 16, 1920, of Croatian parents in Djala, Banat, where his father moved from Lika and his mother from Hrvatsko Zagorje. His elementary schooling took place in Nasice and Pozega. After graduating from the Real Gymnasium in Pozega in 1939, he and his family (parents and six more siblings) moved to Zagreb where Jure began his university studies. He received his diploma in Jurisprudence in 1944. However, his life dramatically changed soon after graduation.

As a war-time young university graduate, Jure was caught up in the great tragedy that beset the Croatians at the time. In May of 1945, with thousands of others, he found himself as a post-war refugee in Austria. While in Austria (1945-1948), he studied history at the University of Graz and, with some of his friends, tried to promote at least a minimum of cultural activities among his fellow Croatian refugees. From this time we find a collection of poems, expressing the anguish of those unstable times.

After coming to the U.S.A. in 1950, Jure lived for a few months in Cincinnati and then moved to Cleveland, where he labored as a factory worker in the Cleveland Twist Drill Co. for five years. In 1951, he married Hilda Hermann (Slovenian-born) in Montreal, Canada, whom he had met earlier in Graz, Austria. While working full-time at his factory job, he enrolled as a part-time student at John Carroll University and, in 1956, he received an M.A. in history. Shortly after that, in 1959, Jure earned his Ph.D. in history from Georgetown University. His dissertation turned later into a well-known book The Croatian Immigrants in America, which was published in 1971. From 1958 until his retirement in 1989, George Prpić taught history at John Carroll University in Cleveland, where he became a well-respected personality among his colleagues and students. I was one among numerous other graduate students who were not only his students but also his friends. Jure shared with us more than his knowledge of history. He taught us with love, and he really cared for each one of us. Who can forget his deep voice, his always calm personality, and his favorite saying at times of exams and also of political turmoil: ―This too shall pass.‖

Dr. Prpić authored numerous books, booklets and articles. He wrote many articles in various Croatian immigrant publications (Journal of Croatian Studies, Hrvatska Revija, Zajednicar, Hrvatski Glas, Danica, Hrvatski kalendar, Nasa Nada, Studia Croatica, etc.). Besides his contributions in historical literature, especially in the history of Croatian immigration, he was also a poet. Some of his well-known works are: The Croatian Immigrants in America (1971); South Slavic Immigration in America (1978); Croatia and Croatians: A Selected and Annotated Bibliography in English (1982); with his wife Hilda Croatian Books and Booklets Written in Exile (1973 and in Croatia in 1990); and A Century of World Communism (1973, 1975); Posljednji svibanj (1973 and in Croatia 1990).

Dr. Prpic deserves a special place in the history of the Association for Croatian Studies. Besides being one of its founders (1977), for quite a long time he was its main pillar and promoter. He selflessly served as ACS secretary/treasurer and editor of the Bulletin from 1977-1991. He was tireless in expanding ACS membership and soliciting support for its activities. The ACS and its members will remain thankful to him, as well as to his wife Hilda, for all that they did for Croatian studies in America.

After 88 years of a not so easy but fruitful life, Dr. Prpić  passed away on April 23, 2009. The Mass of Christian burial was at St. Paul Croatian Catholic Church in Cleveland. Those of us who had the privilege of knowing Jure Prpić as a friend and colleague can bear witness that he was truly a gentle soul, a genuinely good person.

May his wife Hilda and their children, Frank and Maya, find comfort in the fact that they shared their lives with a wonderful man. I remember him fondly.

God bless, dear friend and mentor.

Ante Čuvalo

Published in
Bulletin – Association fro Croatian Studies
Issue No. 54 – Spring 2010