Jerome Alexis Brentar (1922 – 2006)

Jerome Alexis Brentar (1922 – 2006)

jerJerome Alexis Brentar died unexpectedly on December 1, 2006 in Cleveland.  He was a well respected humanitarian known for his good deeds in Croatian communities throughout the world.  He was born on July 17, 1922 in Cleveland to Croatian parents who came to the United States in 1899 from Klana, Istria.  During WW II he served with the 93rd Armored Cavalry under the command of General William Patton.  After the war ended the young man of 24 years criss-crossed Europe and what he saw made a deep and lasting impression on him.  Destroyed cities, columns of refugees and homeless people, refugee camps full of hunger and hopelessness caused him to decide to study sociology and to spend his life as social worker.
It is a well known fact that Jerry emptied Austrian refugee camps of Croatian widows with their young children, whom no country was willing to accept.  Not only did he bring them to the U.S. but he also found organizations and individuals who were ready to help them. Later on when I received political asylum and moved to Munich to work for the NCWC.  There I had ample opportunities to observe Jerry’s work on the entire territory of West Germany and Austria, including all the refugee camps.  He helped thousands of Croatians, Muslims, Slovenians and others.  His name became legendary.  Not only did he help those who wanted to emigrate, but he also helped those who stayed in Europe.  Jerry’s home was always open to immigrants who came to the U.S.  He helped them find jobs, apartments, or even temporary overnight stay.  After returning from Europe Brentar founded The Europa Travel Service, which it made possible for him to continue his humanitarian work in Croatian communities in Ohio and the rest of the country.  He was a member of countless Croatian organizations, among them the American Croatian Academic Society, for which he also served as president. Brentar is survived by his spouse Dora, his three daughters Carolyn, Mary Ann and Dora, his son John, four grandchildren and three brothers.  Jerome Brentar, a deeply religious man, leaves a legacy of compassion for his fellow man.  And will always be remembered for his strong commitment to a free Croatia. His friends and Croatian communities throughout the U.S. will dearly miss him.

J. Bombelles

Theodore Božidar Ivanuš (1916-2007)

Theodore Božidar Ivanuš (1916-2007)

Professor Emeritus of the University of Notre Dame, a member of the ACS, and well-known Croatian American, Theodore B. Ivanuš, died on December 18, 2007 in South Bend, Indiana.
theoTheodore was born on March 15, 1916 in Velika Gorica, near Zagreb, into a well-known Croatian family.  In 1934, he graduated form the First Classical Gymnasium in Zagreb.  In 1941, he earned a doctorate in Law and also in Political Science.  He was one of the leading student activists at the end of the 1930s and the President of the Students’ Club of the School of Law.  Theodore also earned an M.A. degree at the State Academy of Music in Zagreb and was an accomplished piano player.
During and after World War II, Theodore lived in Austria and Germany, and he came to the United State in 1952.  He, along with a number of other Croatian post-war immigrants, settled in Cleveland.  While working in various factories as a physical worker, he enrolled at the Case Western University in Cleveland and in 1956 he earned an M.A. in political science and, in 1963, an M.L.S. in the library science.  At the same time, he was an active member of the local Croatian community.  He took an active part in establishing the Croatian Academic Club, Croatian radio program, and other cultural endeavors.
In 1963, Theodore joined the Department of Government and International Studies at the University of Notre Dame.  He was also with the Institute for International Studies and the Memorial Library.  He taught courses on Government and Politics of East Central Europe, the former Soviet Union and International Communism.  Theodore was instrumental in developing the International Resources Center and contributed greatly to the growth of International Studies at the ND University.  He was also involved in the local Croatian community and, among other activities, Theodore was a director and conductor of the Croatian Glee Club “Preradović” in Gary, Indiana.
Before his death, Theodore donated his rich library and archives to the Institute of Croatian History in Zagreb, Memorial Library at the University of ND, and the Croatian Ethnic Institute in Chicago.
Dr. Ivanuš married in 1970.  However his wife Anne, an American Croatian, preceded him in death.  He was a member of the Croatian Academy of America, the Croatian American Association, AAASS, the Association for Croatian Studies, and other cultural and professional clubs.  We thank Theodore for being a friend and active member of the ACS.

Ante Čuvalo

ASSOCIATION FOR CROATIAN STUDIES (ACS) 30TH ANNIVERSARY

ASSOCIATION FOR CROATIAN STUDIES (ACS)
30TH ANNIVERSARY

Founding

On October 15, 1977, a small number of Croatian scholars in America, gathered at the Annual Convention of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies (AAASS) at Capital Hilton Hotel, Washington D.C., and laid the foundation to the Association for Croatian Studies. The idea for such organization was circulated among Croatian scholars participating at the AAASS Convention in Atlanta a year earlier, but someone had to take the initiative and do the work.

For those who are not familiar with the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies, suffice to say that the AAASS was established in 1948 and it is a leading private organization dedicated to the advancement of knowledge about Russia, Central Eurasia, and East and Central Europe. It publishes the quarterly Slavic Review, the leading journal in Slavic studies.

The provisional name of the new Croatian scholarly organization was “Society for Croatian Studies.” Its first officers were: Dr. Joseph T. Bombelles, President; Dr. George J. Prpić, Secretary-Treasurer, Dr. Ante Kadić and Dr. Francis H. Eterović, Vice Presidents. Drs. Bombelles and Prpić were entrusted to affiliate the Society with the AAASS and to register the organization in the State of Ohio as a scholarly not-for-profit society.

On November 27, 1977, during the Twelfth Annual Seminar of the American Croatian Academic Society at Case-Western Reserve University in Cleveland, the name of the newly formed “Society for Croatian Studies” was changed to “Association for Croatian Studies” (ACS).

At the beginning of 1978, a proposed Constitution and By-Laws of the ACS were submitted to the membership for approval and a request was sent, with the necessary documentation, to the AAASS for acceptance as an affiliate scholarly society. At the same time, Dr. Prpić issued the first ACS official bulletin, called the “Announcement.”

The affiliation process was not so easy as one might assume. Actually, the AAASS officials at the time implemented delaying tactics, in order to dampen the desires of Croatian scholars to affiliate their organization with the AAASS. We can probably guess what might have been the reasons for not welcoming the ACS to this large association of Slavic scholars, but we have to move on, just as the ACS officers at the time did. They persisted, and the Association was officially affiliated with the AAASS in October of 1978, and the ACS was allotted an official panel session for that year’s National Convention in Columbus, Ohio.

The ACS’ first panel was entitled “Croatia and the Croatians in the 1970s”. The participants were : Dr. Joseph Bombelles, Chair; Prof. Mirko Vidović (France), Dr. Ante Kadic, Dr. George J. Prpic, Presenters, and Dr. Thomas F. Magner was a discussant. Dr. Prpić later reported: “The meeting was attended by more than sixty people of whom about a dozen were American Croatians.” A day later (October 13), the Provisional Executive Committee of the ACS was elected to serve a year term and the Constitution and By-Laws were unanimously accepted, under the condition that they may be revised, if necessary, in order to make them acceptable to the AAASS and the State of Ohio.

The Association was incorporated in the State of Ohio on June 8, 1983, and on November 14, 1984, the ACS became “exempt from Federal income tax under Section 501 9c) (3) of the Internal Revenue Code.” In December of the same year the name of the ACS’ official publication was changed from Announcement to the Bulletin of the ACS.

Purpose and Activities

The main purpose of the Association for Croatian Studies, as defined in its Constitution, is “to foster closer communication among scholars interested in Croatian Studies” and to “promote the dissemination of scholarly information on Croatia and Croatians through the organization of meetings, conferences, and panels at conventions devoted to Slavic and East European Studies.” Its particular and most important mission, however, is to organize scholarly panels at the AAASS National Conventions dealing with Croatian issues. Furthermore, the ACS encourages its members to organize and/or participate in scholarly panels that foster comparative studies with other affiliates of the AAASS and scholars from other countries and backgrounds. It also promotes scholarly activities and cooperation among its members, especially the younger scholars. Moreover, the Association often serves as a resource hub where various scholars and institution turn for assistance and information dealing with Croatian subjects and issues.

The ACS Bulletin, besides informing the members of AAASS convention activities, brings news about the association and its members, and it often publishes relevant articles and/or book reviews. It frequently includes selective bibliography of new titles and Ph dissertations dealing with Croatia and the Croatians. For this reason, a number of academic libraries receive the Bulletin, and it has been included in some bibliographies as a resource publication.

The ACS founders have established a wonderful tradition, according to which during every AAASSS convention ACS members, their friends, and individuals from the local Croatian community, get together for a “Croatian Dinner.” We all look forward to this annual event in order to meet new scholars and friends, and to renew old friendships and acquaintances. It is in such gatherings that quite often new ideas for work and cooperation are born. We are pleased to announce, that this year’s “Croatian Dinner” will be at the famous Drago’s Seafood Restaurant, in the Hilton Hotel, New Orleans. It will be Croatian style and hospitality with New Orleans flavor! In 1986, the ACS enjoyed its “Croatian Dinner” at Drago’s restaurant, but at that time it was at the original location in the city’s suburbia. This year, it will be at the downtown Hilton hotel.

Panels

Since its inception, the ACS and its members have organized numerous panels dealing with a wide range of topics. Just to mention a few: Renaissance in Croatia, Marko Marulić, Faust Vrančić, Ivan Gundulić, Bartol Kašić, Rudjer Bošković, Juraj Križanić, Illyrian Movement, Kačić Miošić, Ivan Mažuranić, Krleža, Budak, Ujević, Film, History of Music, Theater, Croatian Dissent in the 1960s and 1970s, History of Dubrovnik, Croatian Language, Economic issues, Croatians in America, Croatian History, Vojna Krajina, Radić Brothers and HSS, Croatian Nationalism, Jews in Croatia, Religion, US Foreign Policy and Croatia, Croatians in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Independence and War of Liberation, Regionalism in Croatia, International War Crimes Tribunal, Dayton Accords, BiH Constitution, Geography, Politics, Ideologies, Croatia and European Integration, and many other topics. The list of participants at ACS panels is very long. It includes almost all Croatian scholars in the West, and also many non-Croatians who study Croatia or the region. Many of such scholars are also members of the ACS, and some of them have served or are serving as officers of the association.

Looking back at the three decades of ACS activities, one might divide the life and work of the association into three main periods. First, from its beginnings to 1989. This was the era of the Cold war. The AAASS was seen by the East as an instrument of Western interests and, as they would put it, scholarly propaganda. The ACS was seen in a similar, but worse light not only by the Yugoslav regime but also by Yugoslav sympathizers among American scholars. Furthermore, it was not permissible for scholars from Croatia to participate on ACS panels or Croatian scholarly institutions to be in touch with the Association. For example, the late Ivan Supek came to the 1987 Convention to participate on a panel about Ruger Bosković, but he was told by the regime’s officials he better stay away. He was actually in the convention hotel while his paper was read by an American Croatian colleague. This might sound bizarre today, but it happened not so long ago!

The second period began in 1989. For the first time scholars from Croatia began to participate at the ACS activities and panels. The guests from Croatia at the Chicago convention of that year were: Ivan Supek, Franjo Tudjman, Dalibor Brozović, Ivo Smoljan, and Vladimir Konšćak. The Iron Curtain was cracking and the dawn of freedom was on the rise. However, the early 1990s brought not only freedom but, unfortunately, also war to Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the war years, the ACS and its members in their panels and presentations made an effort to clarify the causes and issues dealing with the wars of aggression, that most often, intentionally or not, were portrayed even in scholarly circles and by “experts” in a twisted light.

During the post-1995 era, scholarly activities of the ACS and its members have been oriented toward a variety of subjects and scholarly interests. In the last few years there is an increase of interest in Croatian studies among young scholars who are not of Croatian ethnic background. The ACS encourages such scholars to join the association, as well as those of Croatian heritage, so that in cooperation with each other we may contribute to the understanding of the Croatian past and present.

Although there are no more political, ideological or other barriers that might prevent cooperation of the ACS with cultural and scholarly institutions in Croatia, the bridges between the ACS and the homeland are not as strong as they could and should be. It seems to us that the homeland institutions, and (too) many scholars, don’t realize the importance of participating in scholarly activities on this side of the ocean. There has been an improvement, but both sides must cooperate in order to advance knowledge and understanding of our Croatian heritage and culture.

Anniversary

Thirty years have passed, and, one might say, passed too fast. But a lot has been accomplished, thanks to the ACS founders and members, living and those who have passed away. At the present, the ACS is healthy, doing well, and it is fulfilling its mission as defined by its Constitution. A good indicator that it “promotes and disseminates scholarly information on Croatia and Croatians,” are a number of panels and lectures that are on the program of this year’s AAASS National Convention in New Orleans. As long as there is Croatia and the Croatians there will be an interest and need to study the country and the people. The ACS’ mission, therefore, continues. We hope and believe that the younger scholars of Croatian and non-Croatian heritage will have interest, will, and stamina to carry on and build on the foundations that were laid thirty years ago, and keep the ACS young forever.

Ante Čuvalo

Executive officers

The following have served as executive officers of the ACS:

Presidents:

Joseph T. Bombelles

Joseph Čondić

Ivo Banac

Ante Čuvalo

Secretaries:

George J. Prpić

Elinor M. Despalatović

Paula Lytle

Ante Čuvalo

Ivan Runac

Treasurers:

George Prpić

Tia Paušić

Sarah Kent

Ellen Elias Bursać

Aida Vidan

At the present (2007), the ACS officers are:

Ante Čuvalo – President (cuv@gmail.com)

Jasna Meyer – Vice-President (jmeyer@mcdaniel.edu)

Ivan Runac – Secretary (ivan.runac@gmail.com

Aida Vidan – Treasurer (avidan@fas.harvard.edu)

Anton E. Basetić (1879-1921) The First Victim of Yugoslav Terror among Croatian Émigrés

Anton E. Basetić (1879-1921)

The First Victim of Yugoslav Terror among Croatian Émigrés

by

Dr. Ante Čuvalo

The assassination of Croatian patriots in the ranks of émigrés was a trait of the infamous Yugoslav secret police, namely, the UDBA, during the time of Tito’s regime (1945-1990).  Actually, the liquidation of Croatian patriots began long before Tito’s time—that is, from the very founding of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918 (Yugoslavia after 1929).  Persecution of every sort was one of the historical links that bridged the time of the bloody founding of the Kingdom until the even bloodier end of the Yugoslav State.  In fact, Greater-Serbian terror in Croatian lands began even before unification.  It started on the 9th of September, 1918, in the city of Vukovar, and we can still feel the ugly stench of death during and after the demise of Yugoslavia.  The primary subject of Serbian terror was to be found not only among the Croatians, but also among all those who were doomed to perish for sake of the “Greater Serbia” project.  That megalomania nightmare that swallowed so much blood and lives is, to our regret, alive and well even to this day and it is evidenced daily with equal insolence!
It is only recently that knowledge of those Croatians liquidated in the Diaspora (at the very least 69 of them) after the end of the Second World War is beginning to come to light in the Homeland.  Although “official” Zagreb shows little interest for these and other victims, truth is slowly seeing the light of day—thanks to the Courts of foreign lands, most notably German Courts, that are attempting to solve at least some of the assassination that took place in those countries.  In the meantime, little or nothing is known of the terror waged against the Croatian Diaspora prior to 1945.  Here we are talking about a portion of Croatian history that is yet to be investigated and waiting for the Homeland to eventually remember it.
The very first victim of Yugo-terror in America—and, I believe, among the Croatian Diaspora in general, that followed the fateful union of Croatian Lands with Serbia and Montenegro, was Anton E. Basetić.  He was the editor of the Croatian newspaper Glasnik Istine (The Herald of Truth) that was published in Chicago.  Because of his explicit Croatian patriotism and anti-Yugoslav political stance, he was perfidiously liquidated “in full daylight” in Chicago on the 5th of November, 1921.  This was not only the murder of a journalist, but also an attempt to frighten into submission all those who were not willing to link hands and dance the new “Yugo-dance” as accompanied by a “Serbian flute.”
The Life and Work of Anton E. Basetić
antonAnton Basetić was born in Primošten on the 17th of September, 1877.  Church records show the date as being the 20th of June in one instance, and the 20th of September, 1877 in another.  His father was Ivan, and his mother was Ana, nee Makelja.  Anton’s family numbered ten children.  Originally, his name was Ante Emilio Bolanča but upon arriving in America, he changed it to Anton E. Basetić/Basetich. It is unclear as to why he changed his surname (and, to some extent, his first name), or why he chose the name Basetić, but we found out that his brother Leon (born the 11th of April, 1883) also changed his surname to Basetić or Bolanča-Basetić some time after his arrival to America on October 24, 1907.
Ante Emilio Bolanča set sail into the world from Genoa on the steamship The Spartan Prince. He arrived in New York harbor on the 23rd of July, 1898.  He was received by his friend, Stjepan Baković, who lived at 177 Atlanta Avenue in New York.  As of the present writing, it is unknown as to what schooling Ante had, or where that schooling took place; what is known is that he was considerably more literate than the vast majority of Croatian émigrés of that time.  So, whether he had a formal education or he was self-schooled is still unknown.
From the information thus far gathered about Ante after his arrival in America, and after a period of time spent in New York City, we see he stayed in Butte, Montana in 1910 and was known as Anton Basetich.  The American Census documents from 1910 confirm that Anton was married at the time to 19-year-old Elsie, nee Coffin, from South Dakota.  From the same Census report, we learn that Anton was a journalist by profession. (The 1910 Census document erroneously records Anton as having arrived in the U.S. in 1903. Perhaps he came to Minnesota in that year.)

A year later, Anton and Elsie were living in Salt Lake City, Utah.  He was the editor of the Croatian Newspaper Radnička Obrana, (The Workers’ Defense). The Salt Lake City Directory of 1911 records that Anton was the Editor and Manager of the aforementioned newspaper, and that Emil Basetich was the President of the Slavonian Publishing Company. It is obvious that in both instances we are dealing with one and the same person.  Sadly, Anton’s wife Elsie died on the 16th of December, 1912.  According to the memory passed on in the family, Elsie died in childbirth of their firstborn, a girl.  It is not known with any certainty what became of the little girl.  It is thought that she was taken in by Elsie’s parents.
Following the death of his wife Elsie, most likely during 1913, Basetić moved from Salt Lake City to Duluth, Minnesota.  The Duluth City Directory of 1913-1914 indicates that the Slavonian Publishing Company‘s manager was Anton Basetich, while Milan Knezevich was the editor of Radnička Obrana. The newpaper was published in that city every Thursday.  That same directory of 1915-1916 indicates that Basetich continued to be the publisher of the newspaper, but was located at a new address.  As gleaned from the newspaper itself, the title of the publishing company was no longer known as the Slavonian Publishing Company, but as the Croatian Publishing Company. Clearly, Anton Basetić assumed ownership and editorial management of the Radnička Obrana. The newpaper had branch offices in Salt Lake City, Chicago, Milwaukee, and Gary. Indiana.
Though many Croatian newspapers saw the light of day in America, few of them survived for any length of time.  One of the rare numbers of Radnička Obrana to be found is the number dated March 11, 1916.  That edition indicates that it was the twelfth year of publication for that newspaper.  Clearly, this newspaper managed to survive longer than most Croatian publications in America at that time.
It would seem that around 1916, the Radnička Obrana ceased being published and that Anton moved from Minnesota to Chicago.  That same year, Basetić purchased the newspaper known as Hrvatski Rodoljub, (Croatian Patriot).  The paper was founded in 1915 and was published by B.F. Tolić in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.  Basetić transferred publication of the paper to Chicago.  This would indicate that he already lived in the city.
Between Yugoslavia and Croatia
This period of time was froth with war and was an especially worrisome time for Croatians in America as well as those in the homeland.  Aside from the wartime adversity, a deep political division and separation began to take shape among Croatians: there were those who were prepared to abrogate their national heritage and rights and eagerly accept unity with the Serbian Kingdom, and there were those who stood in defense of the right to Croatian Statehood.  Those in the first group were more vociferous, and political conditions then present stood in their favor.  The second group had to contend not only with the pro-Yugoslav element, but also with the burden of trying to prove to America and their fellow citizens (especially so after America’s entrance into the war in 1917) that they were not champions of Austria and the Central Powers, but simply desired freedom for their Croatian homeland.  So as to bring a shred of light into the political fog that overshadowed the time, a well-known and respected priest, Rev. Ivan Stipanović, established and published a Croatian journal, Rodoljub (Patriot), in Chicago in January of 1915.  Shortly thereafter (August of 1915), the journal’s name was changed to Hrvatski Katolički Glasnik, (The Croatian Catholic Messenger).  It assumed a newspaper format and became the voice of (almost all) Croatian Catholic priests in America.  Before the end of that same year, the paper established editorial links with Narodna Obrana that was published in Duluth, Minnesota, as well as with Hrvatski Rodoljub in Chicago.  With such combined forces, a group of Croatian patriots now began to publish Glasnik Istine (The Herald of Truth).  The editorial board resided at 2979 S. Wentworth Avenue, Chicago, Illinois.  Anton Basetić was chosen as its editor.  It appears that in 1916, Basetić’s Radnička Obrana changed it name to Narodna Obrana and subsequently melded into Glasnik Istine. Thus, he became its new editor.
While wartime blood flowed across the European front, a ferocious ideological war raged among the Croatians in America.  One group aligned with the Jugoslavenski Odbor, (The Yugoslav Committee) and welcomed, extolled, and aided the members of that committee on their arrival in the U.S., sending monetary aid and war volunteers.  Others were supporters of Croatian independence and warned about Greater-Serbian ideology and its future evil effects on the Croatian people.  A third group followed socialist ideas and also caused national and religious discord among Croatian émigrés across the world.  Under such conditions, Anton Basetić assumed editorship of the publication which by its orientation was Croatian and Catholic, and served as the representative and voice against the Yugoslav forces in Chicago and America.
Even prior to his assumption of the role as editor of the Glasnik Istine, Basetić wrote and spoke against the union with Serbia.  A significant event in the Croatian Community of Chicago serves as a primary example of his role among Croatian-American émigrés: on the 10th and 11th of March, 1915, in the LaSalle Hotel located in downtown Chicago, a Yugoslav Congress was held.  More than 550 delegates and guests to the congress were in attendance.  At the congress they spoke of the “homogeneity of the Yugoslav people” (naturally, the well-known Serbian in America delegate to the Congress, Dr. Paul Radosavljević, a professor at the University of New York, considered all Yugoslavs to be Serbs) and of the soon-to-be created Kingdom of the Serbs, Croatians, and Slovenes.  At the same time, a group of Croatians, mostly located around Wentworth Avenue in Chicago, held a massive counter-demonstration.  Some 3,000 Croatians gathered for that massive anti-Yugoslav counter-demonstration to hear one of its main speakers, namely, Anton Basetić.  Clearly, then, upon his move to Chicago and his undertaking of the role of editor of the Glasnik Istine, Basetić became a person of importance among Croatians not only in this metropolis but across all of America.
Before touching on his tragic death, it is appropriate that we say a bit more about his family.  Following the death of his first wife, Elsie (at the end of 1912), Anton married Sandra (Allessandra, Sanda) F. Herska while residing in Chisholm, Minnesota.  Sandra was from Severin na Kupi, located in the Gorski Kotar region of Croatia.  Two children were born from their union: Vera, a daughter, was born in 1916, in Minnesota, while Ivan (John) was born in 1919 in Chicago.

anton1

(The photograph of Anton Basetić and the drawing of the assassination are taken from the Chicago Daily Tribune, from November 6, 1921.)


The Assassination of Anton Basetić
On November 5, 1921, around 8:15 a.m., Anton Basetić left his home at 140 West 31st Street and arrived at the real estate office of Cannizzo, Jurko, and Company that was located on 2927 Wentworth Avenue, not far from his home.  Although the Glasnik Istine was printed by the Croatian Printery located a short distance away, Basetić, from all that can be garnered, chose, out of fear, to receive his mail at the aforementioned real estate office.  He picked up his mail on a daily basis.  That fateful morning, Marie Pullano, a 19-year-old clerk, was already at work in the office.  Upon the entrance of Anton Basetić, she alerted him that two unknown men were loitering aimlessly across the street from the office.  He thought she was frightened by them, and his response was: “Never mind, I’m here.  Don’t be afraid.”  Soon after, these two scoundrels entered the real estate office.  Marie and Anton went toward the door.  Marie opened one of the double-doors and asked what they wanted.  They remained silent.  One of the men stepped into the office, drew his pistol, and fired six rounds at Basetić as he stood alongside the young lady.  Two of the bullets struck their target—one in his shoulder and another in his neck.  A few short minutes later, Anton expired.  Marie, the clerk, fainted, while the two thugs dissapeared without a trace.  The entire tragic drama unfolded in a few short minutes.
All the newspapers in Chicago reported the incident and death of Anton Basetić.  They stressed that his death was of a political nature.  One of the newspapers cited the thinking of the police officials, namely, that his murder had the mark of international political intrigue.  In the meantime, the news reports fostered the erroneous suggestion that Anton Basetić was a fervent pro-Austrian partisan rather than stressing that he was an ardent patriot for the Croatian cause.  Even then, the well-known “logic” was in place: all who were not Yugophiles clearly had to be Austrophiles—later, after World War II, to be labeled as “fascists.”  Naturally, the police and newspaper reports of the incident failed to engage the question of who was behind the loathsome crime.  No serious police investigation of the murder ensued: the police did not concern themselves with who it was that wanted him dead.  They simply decided that the murder was “an accounting among the émigrés,” hence, the loss of a young Croatian life was of no consequence and not investigated, despite the fact that it occurred in the metropolis of Chicago and in broad daylight.
To this very day, Anton’s descendants hold to the passed-down conviction that his murder was the work of the notorious “Black Hand;” it is known only too well what sort of a bloody role that terrorist organization played in Serbia and beyond.  Although the organization was “officially” suppressed in 1917, it adherents continued their criminal work and Anton Basetić, at the very least, was a victim of their ideology.
Basetić was only 44 years of age when he was murdered.  He left behind a young wife, Sandra, and two infant children, as well as his child from his first marriage.  Out of fear, Sandra, along with her children, moved to Minnesota and spent the next six months there.  She returned to Chicago and struggled to raise her children.  Among other jobs, she worked as a cook in a student cafeteria at the University of Chicago.  According to the stories passed on by members of her family, she simply would not speak of the murder of her husband or of any political matters: she had her fill of such talk.  Her goal in life was to raise her children and set them on their way to success in life.  By all accounts, she was successful in that goal as were many other Croatian widows of her time and later.
In Conclusion
The martyrdom of Ante Emilio Bolanča, namely, Anton Basetić, was supressed and silenced at the time of his murder.  Silence about him and his assassination has endured for some 90 subsequent years.  This silence would have continued had not his two granddaughters, Sarah and Ann, the daughters of his son, Ivan, wished to know the truth about Anton, their grandfather.  Sarah succeeded in interesting me in this tragic incident as well.  She shared a good deal of facts about her grandfather that I relate in this article.  I am sincerely grateful to Sarah for having acquainted not only me, but Croatians in general, about her grandfather.  All the evidence indicates that he was the very first political martyr among the Croatian émigrés following the portentous and fateful year of 1918.
The assassinations of Anton Basetić and of other Croatian patriots across the world, remain largely unknown to us.  They await further investigation, so that we might give them honorable mention in the history of our Croatian Diaspora, as well as in the history of our homeland.

(English translation of the article „Anton E. Basetić – prva žrtva jugoterora u hrvatskoj emigraciji,“ published in Hrvatsko slovo (Zagreb), Year XVI, No. 817, December 17, 2010, p.16-17.)

ANTON E. BASETIĆ Prva žrtva jugoterora u hrvatskoj emigraciji

ANTON E. BASETIĆ

Prva žrtva jugoterora u hrvatskoj emigraciji

Hrvatsko slovo

17. prosinca 2010

Piše: Ante Čuvalo
Likvidacije Hrvata počele su već osnutkom Kraljevine Jugoslavije.  Prvom žrtvom drži se Anton Basetić, ubijen u Chicagu 1921.
Progon, svakovrsni progon, bio je jedna od povijesnih poveznica koja premošćuje vrijeme od krvavog rođenja do još krvavije smrti Jugo države.  No, velikosrpski teror u hrvatskim zemljama počeo je i prije ujedinjenja (počeo je u Vukovaru 9. rujna 1918.), a još osjećamo zadah smrti koja je harala i poslije njezine službene smrti.  Primarni srpski teror je također bio uzrokom terora na teror, ne samo među Hrvatima, nego i kod drugih koji su trebali nestati radi velikosrpskog projekta.  Ta megalomanska mora, koja je progutala toliko krvi i života, nažalost je i danas živa i svakodnevno je očitija i hrabrija!
O Hrvatima koji su ubijeni u emigraciji poslije Drugog svjetskog rata (najmanje 69) konačno se saznaje i u domovini.  Premda službeni Zagreb za ove (i druge) žrtve puno ne haje, ipak istina pomalo izlazi na svjetlo zahvaljujući i sudstvu drugih država, u prvom redu Njemačke.  Ali o teroru nad Hrvatima u emigraciji prije 1945. zna se vrlo malo, gotovo ništa.  Riječ je o još neistraženom dijelu hrvatske povijesti koji čeka da ga se domovina sjeti.
Prva žrtva jugoterora u Americi, a vjerujemo i u hrvatskoj emigraciji općenito, nakon ujedinjenja hrvatskih zemalja sa Srbijom i Crnom Gorom bio je Anton E. Basetić, urednik hrvatskih novina „Glasnik Istine“ u Chicagu.  Zbog svojih hrvatskih domoljubnih, odnosno protujugoslavenskih političkih stavova bio je mučki likvidiran „u sred bijela dana“ u Chicagu 5. studnog 1921.  Bilo je to ne samo ubojstvo novinara, nego i pokušaj zastrašivanja svih koji nisu bili voljni uhvatit se u novo jugo-kolo i zaplesati uz srpsku frulu.
Život i rad
antonAnton Basetić rođen je u Primoštenu 17. rujna 1877. (u crkvenim knjigama stoji 20. lipnja na jednom mjestu, a 20. rujna 1877. na drugom) od oca Ivana i majke Ane, rođene Makelja.  Obitelj je imala desetero djece.  Njegovo izvorno ime i prezime bilo je Ante Emilio Bolanča, koje je po dolasku u Ameriku promijenio u Anton E. Basetić/Basetich.  Nije jasno iz kojih razloga je promjenio prezime (donekle i ime) i zašto baš u Basetić, ali nalazimo da se i njegov brat Leon (rođen 11. travnja 1883., došao u Ameriku 24. listopada 1907.) po dolasku u Ameriku također služio prezimenom Basetić ili Bolanča-Basetić.
Ante Emilio Bolanča u svijet je odplovio iz Genove brodom „Spartan Princ“ i u New York stigao 23. srpnja 1898.  Išao je k prijatelju Stjepanu Bakoviću, 177 Atlanta Ave. u New Yorku.  Zasad nam nije poznato gdje, kada i koje škole je Ante pohađao, ali je zaisgurno bio pismeniji i učeniji od velike većine hrvatskih emigranata tog vremena.  Koliko je to bila formalna naobrazba ili se sam „u hodu“ doškolovavao ostaje nepoznanica.
Po onom što se dosad može pronaći, nakon dolaska i, vjerojatno, neko vrijeme boravka u New Yorku, Antu E. Bolanču 1910. surećemo kao Antona Baseticha u gradu Butte, Montana.  Američki dokumenti o popisu pučanstva iz te godine potvrđuju da je Anton tada bio oženjen devetnaestogodišnjom Elsie, rođenom Coffin u South Dakoti.  Iz istih dokumenata se vidi da je Anton po profesiji novinar.  (U ovom dokumentu se krivo tvrdi da je u SAD došao 1903.  Možda je te godine došao u Minnesotu.)
Godinu dana kasnije Anton i Elsie žive u Salt Lake Cityju, Utah.  Tu je bio urednik hrvatskih novina „Radnička Obrana“.  Naime, Salt Lake City Directory za 1911. navodi da je Anton urednik i manager spomenutih novina, ali i da je Emil Basetich predsjednik „Slavonian Publishing Co.“  Očito je da se radi o istom čovjeku.  Nažalost, 16. prosinca 1912. Elsie je umrla.  Po obiteljskoj predaji, umrla je rađajući prvo dijete, curicu.  Nije sigurno što je bilo od djeteta. Vjeruje se da su ga preuzeli majčini roditelji.

Među Hrvatima nastala je politička podjela,

između onih koji su htjeli jedinstvo sa Srbima

i onih koji su branili hrvtsku državnost

Nakon ženine smrti, vjerojatno tokom godine 1913., Basetić je preselio iz Salt Lake Cityja u Duluth, Minnesota.  Naime, Duluth City Directory za 1913.-1914. navodi da su „Slavonian Publishing Co.“, Anton Basetich manager, Milan Knezevich izdavač i urednik „Radničke Obrane“ u tom gradu.  Novina je izlazila svakog četvrtka. Directory za 1915.-1916. godinu piše da je Basetich sada izdavač istoimenih novina i adresa uredništva je drugačija nego godinu dana prije.  Iz novina se vidi da je izdavač ne više Slavonian, nego „Croatian Publishing Co.“.  Očito je da je Anton preuzeo vlasništvo i uređivanje „Radničke Obrane.“  Novina je imala povjerenštva u Salt Lake City-u, Chicagu, Milwaukee i u Gary, Indiana.
Puno je hrvatski novina u Americi pokrenuto, ali malo ih se održalo na životu dulje vremena.  Jedan od rijetko sačuvanih brojeva „Radničke Obrane“ je broj od 11. ožujka 1916. i tu čitamo da je to bilo dvanaesto godište tog tjednika, što znači da se ovo glasilo uspjelo održati dulje nego mnoge druge tadašnje hrvatske publikacije u Americi.
Moralo je to biti negdje tokom 1916. kad je „Radnička Obrana„ prestala izlaziti i Anton je preselio iz Minnesote u Chicago. Te godine Basetić je kupio novine „Hrvatski rodoljub“ (utemeljio 1915. i izdavao B. F. Tolić) u Pittsburgh-u i prenio uredništvo u Chicago, što znači da je on već tamo živio.
Između Jugoslavije i Hrvatske
Bila su to ratna vremena, posebice bremenita za Hrvate ne samo u domovini, nego i u Americi.  Osim ratnih nedaća, među Hrvatima je nastala duboka politička podjela, između onih koji su bili spremni odreći se hrvatskog državnog prava, i prigrliti jedinstvo sa Srbima i onih koji su stali u obranu hrvatske državnosti.  Prvi su bili grlatiji i svjetske prilike su im išle na ruku, a drugi su, osim borbe protiv projugoslavena, imali teret ukazivati Americi i svojim sugrađanima (posebice nakon američkog ulaska u rat 1917.) da oni nisu pobornici Austrije i Centralnih sila, nego samo ljubitelji hrvatske slobode.  Da bi u tu političku maglu unio zračak svijetla, poznati svećenik Rev. Ivan Stipanović počinje (siječanj 1915.) u Chicagu izdavati časopis „Rodoljub“.  Uskoro (kolovoz 1915.) časopis mijenja ime u „Hrvatski Katolički Glasnik“, poprima novinski oblik i postaje glasilo (gotovo svih) hrvatskih svećenika u Americi.  Još prije konca godine ova novina se udružuje s „Narodnom Obranom“, koja je izlazila u Duluth, Minnesota, i „Hrvatskim Rodoljubom“, te zajedničkim snagama počinju izdavati „Glasnik Istine.“  Uredništvo se nalazilo na 2979 S. Wentworth Ave., Chicago, a za urednika je izabran Anton Basetić.  Izgleda da je tokom 1916. Basetićeva „Radnička Obrana“ promjenila ime u „Narodnu Obranu“ i zatim se utopila u „Glasnik Istine“, kojem je on postao urednik.
Dok se krv prolijevala po europskim bojišnicama, među Hrvatima u Americi vodio se vrlo žestok ideološki rat.  Jedni su slijedili „Jugoslavenski odbor“, dočekivali, veličali i pomagali ljude iz Odbora te slali materijalnu pomoć i dragovoljce u rat.  Drugi su bili pobornici čuvanja i jačanja hrvatske državnosti te upozoravali na velikosrpsku ideologiju i njezine posljedice za hrvatski narod.  Treći su pak bili sljedbenici socijalizma i ubacivali dodatnu nacionalnu i vjersku smutnju među hrvatske emigrante.  U tim prilikama Anton Basetić postaje urednik glasila koje je bilo po orijentaciji hrvatsko i katoličko, te jedan od glasnogovornika protujugoslavenskih snaga u Chicagu i Americi.
Još i prije preuzimanja uredništva „Glasnika Istine“, Basetić je pisao i govorio protiv ujedinjenja sa Srbijom.  Jedan važan događaj dobro ilustrira njegovu ulogu u zajednici.  U Chicagu je 10. i 11. ožujka 1915. u hotelu LaSalle održan Jugoslavenski kongres na kojemu je sudjelovalo  preko 550 delegata i uzvanika.  Dok se tamo govorilo o jedinstvenom jugoslavenskom narodu (naravno, tad poznati Srbin u Americi dr. Paul Radosavljević, profesor na University of New York i delegat, sve ih je smatrao Srbima) i budućoj zajedničkoj državi, u hrvatskoj naseobini oko Wentworth ulice održan je masovni protuskup.  Na tom antijugoslavenskom okupljanju, koje je okupilo oko 3000 Hrvata, jedan od glavnih govornika bio je i Anton Basetić.  On je dakle poslije dolaska u Chicago i preuzimanja uredništva zasigurno postao osoba od velikog utjecaja među Hrvatima tog velikog grada ali i u cijeloj Americi.
Prije opisa njegove tragične smrti, red je još nešto reći o njegovoj obitelji.  Naime, poslije smrti njegove prve žene Elsie (krajem 1912.), Anton se 18. srpnja 1914. vjenčao sa Sandrom (Allessandra, Sanda) F. Herska u mjestu Chishlom, Minnesota.  Sandra je bila rodom iz Severina na Kupi u Gorskom kotaru.  U braku se rodilo dvoje djece.  Vera je rođena 1916. u Minnesoti, a Ivan 1919. u Chicagu.
Atentat u Chicagu
anton1Dana 5. studenog 1921. oko 8:15 Antun Basetić je iz svog doma na 31. ulici došao u ured trgovine nekretnina „Cannizzo, Jurko & Co.“, koji je bio na Wentworth ulici, nedaleko od njegove kuće.  Premda je „Glasnik Istine“ tiskan nedaleko u „Hrvatskoj tiskari“, Basetić je, po svemu sudeći iz opreza, poštu primao u uredu spomenute tvrtke i tamo danomice po nju dolazio.  Toga kobnog jutra u uredu je već bila mlada činovnica Marie Pullano i po Antonovu ulasku u ured upozorila ga da se dvojica nepoznatih muškaraca motaju na drugoj strani ulice ispred ureda, na što joj je odgovorio: „Ne boj se, ja sam tu“, misleći da ih se ona boji.  Ubrzo su ta dva (ne)čovjeka došla na vrata ureda, a Marie i Anton su pošli prema vratima.  Marie je otvorila jedno od dva staklena krila i upitala ih što žele.  Ništa nisu rekli, a jedan je zakoracio unutra, potegao pištolj i ispucao šest naboja prema Basetiću koji je stajao kraj djevojke.  Pogodila su ga dva hica,  jedan u rame, a drugi u vrat i Anton je za nekoliko minuta izdahnuo.  Mlada činovnica pala je u nesvijest, a ubojice su bez traga pobjegle. Tragična drama odigrala se u nekoliko minuta.
Sve chicaške novine objavile su izvješća o smrti Antona Basetića, naglašujući da je to bilo ubojstvo političke naravi.  Jedne novine citiraju mišljenje ljudi iz policije i kaže da ovo ubojstvo ima međunarodno zaleđe i da je to kulminacija međunardnih političkih trzavica.  Ali u tim izvješćima se provlači netočnost da je Anton bio zagrijani pro-Austrijanac, a ne da je bio hrvatski domoljub.  Slijedila se i tad već dobro nam poznata „logika“: svi koji nisu bili jugofili bili su austrofili (a kasnije fašisti).  Naravno, policija i novinska izvješća i ne ulaze u pitanje tko bi mogao stajati iza tog gnusnog zločina.  Nije bilo nikakve ozbiljnije istrage.  Za policiju su to bila „emigrantska posla“ i nikome nije bilo stalo istražiti zašto je izgubio život jedan Hrvat usred Chicaga i tko ga je ubio.
Među Antonovim potomcima i danas se čuva predaja da je atentat izvršila „Crna ruka“.  Oni i ne znaju što je bila „Crna ruka“, ali zna se dobro kakvu je krvavu ulogu ta teroristička organizacija odigrala u Srbiji i dalje.  Premda je ona bila službeno ugušena 1917., njezini sljedbenci su nastavili zločinački rad i, najvjerojatnije, Anton Basetić je bio žrtva u najmanju ruku njezine ideologije.
Basetiću je bilo samo 44 godine kad je ubijen.  Iza njega je ostala mlada žena Sandra s dvoje nejake djece i još dijete iz

Sve chicaške novine objavile su izvješća

o smrti Antona Basetića, naglašujući

da je to bilo ubojstvo političke naravi

prvog mu braka.  Sandra je od straha pokupila djecu, otišla u Minnesotu i tamo provela šest mjeseci.  Ponovo se vratila u Chicago, radila i mučila se da bi odgojila svoju djecu.  Među ostalim, radila je i kao kuharica u studentskom domu na University of Chicago.  Po pričanju članova njezine obitelji, nikad nije htjela govoriti o muževu ubojstvu ni o politici.  Bilo joj je svega dosta.  Njezin životni cilj bio je svoju djecu „na noge podići“ i u tome je bila vrlo uspješna, kao i mnoge druge hrvatske udovice.
Prešućena žrtva
Mučeništvo Ante Emilia Bolanče, odnosno Antona Basetića, bilo je prešućeno u vrijeme njegove pogibije, a o njemu se šutjelo i sljedećih 90 godina.  Bilo bi i potpuno zaboravljeno da ne bi njegovih dviju unuka (Sarah i Ann), kćeriju sina Ivana, koje su htjele doznati istinu o svom djedu.  Sarah je i mene zainteresirala za ovaj tragičan slučaj i sa mnom podijelila dosta podataka koje sam ovdje iznio.  Zahvaljujem joj što je upoznala ne samo mene, nego i hrvatsku javnost s djelovanjem i žrtvom svojeg djeda koji je, po dosadašnjim spoznajama, prvi politički mučenik u hrvatskoj emigraciji poslije zlokobne 1918.
Nedavno smo u „Hrvatkom vjesniku“ iz Melbourna (14. listopada 2010.) mogli pročitati svima nama iznenađujuće otkriće kako je 1. veljače 1942. „poludjeli“ četnik eksplozivom ubio 14 i osakatio još 15 Hrvata u Kalgoorlie-Boulder-u u Zapadnoj Australiji.  Ubojstva Antona Basetića 1921. i Hrvata u Australiji 1942., kao i druga po svijetu za koja još ne znamo treba istražiti i dati im dužno mjesto u povijesti hrvatske emigracije i domovine.

C. Michael McAdams (1947-2010)

C. Michael McAdams (1947-2010)

In Memory of a Sincere Croatian Friend

gallery_951Charles Michael McAdams, a historian, journalist, and true American friend of Croats passed away on October 29, 2010 in Sacramento, California.  He was not known in Croatia until the fall of Yugoslavia, but his name was very familiar among Croats around the world long before those great historical changes occurred.  He was not only known to us but became a fellow-member in our fight for freedom.
McAdams was born on May 8, 1947 in an American Marine base in California, where his father was an officer.  He also served in the Marines, but he was more interested in books than in a military career, and after completing his military duty, he studied and graduated with a diploma in Historical Studies at the University of the Pacific, a well-known private university in California.  After that, he received his Master’s degree at the Jesuit run John Carroll University in Cleveland, where he also received a Certificate in Soviet and Eastern European Studies.  He continued his education taking classes in Advanced Studies of Comparative Politics and Ideologies at the University of Colorado and at the University of San Francisco.  After completing his coursework for the Doctorate in Education, McAdams became a regional director of the Sacramento campus of the University of San Francisco in 1979 — where he would remain until his retirement in the year 2000.
There is an old proverb that says that true friendships are not chosen, but simply happen.  The same could be said of McAdams and his friendship with Croats.  Namely, he is of Scottish-Jewish background and a Protestant by religion.  He first heard about Croatia as a child because he was a stamp collector, and Croatian stamps came into his hands.  But, when as a student, he began reading history books and listening to professors, he realized that everything he read and heard about Croats was negative.  It was precisely the constant demonization of the Croats that made McAdams want to explore further and find out whether this was just a fog of deception as being presented by those who advocated the status quo or perhaps the laziness of researchers and professors who, instead of searching for the truth, kept repeating old clichés, or, if perhaps it really was all true.  McAdams did not believe that history was really that black and white, and he wanted to dive deeper into Croatia’s past.  Then a chance meeting happened that would define his future academic career.
Namely, sometime prior to completing his studies, McAdams found himself on California Street in San Francisco.  He walked past a European car dealership and noticed a small Croatian flag on one of the cars.  He walked in and asked if any Croats worked there, wanting to make contact with Croats in the city.  He asked that question precisely to a Croat, Mr. Zvonko Pribanic, a well-known Croatian in California.  With that chance meeting, a lasting friendship with Zvonko and the Croats “happened.”  In his search for truth, McAdams came into contact with people whose only wish was that the truth about Croats be told, and a real alliance was born.  As Michael read more and researched the “other side,” he found out that what was being said about Croats was a myth and not reality.  He then decided not only to find the truth but also to share it with others.
To better acquaint himself with Croatian history, McAdams continued his graduate studies at John Carroll University in Cleveland, where his mentor was Prof. George J. Prpić, and where he met and collaborated with other Croatian academicians in America.  Upon returning to California, Michael became active among the local Croats there, and among other activities, he became one of the founders of the Croatian Information Service in 1974.  The other founders were Petar Radielović, Zvonko Pribanić, and Damir Radoš.  From then until the end of his life, McAdams did not cease to explain to Americans and others who the Croats really are and what they want.  He wrote numerous books and booklets, a number of contributions in almanacs, and more than one hundred articles.  One of his most popular books, Croatia, Myth & Reality, was translated into Croatian (Hrvatska – mit i istina) and other languages, and saw three English editions (1992, 1994, and 1997).  He held many lectures, participated in seminars and appeared in TV and radio broadcasts.  For years, McAdams prepared and led a segment called “Moments in Croatian History” on the weekly Croatian radio program in California.  He was a member of the Association for Croatian Studies, Croatian Academy of America, Croatian-Latin American Institute, Croatian Scholarship Fund, and others.  He was a guest lecturer at many universities in America, Australia, and in Croatia after its independence.  For his services to the Croats, President Franjo Tudjman awarded him the Order of Danica Hrvatska with the image of Marko Marulić.
McAdams would often jump into “hot” subjects which certainly did not help him in his career, but as a true American marine, he did not give in to fear.  He was not only of the belief that Croats had the right to freedom and independence, but he also enthusiastically joined that struggle.  Many people were bothered by McAdams because they could not label him as an “Ustasha” child, a frustrated emigrant, or a mercenary.  He openly and loudly spoke his thoughts and opinions, and did not ask for anything, and that gave him the moral strength to face the guardians and propagators of historical myths.  McAdams could have (as many others did) followed the line of lesser effort, and he could have repeated what was written in many books, but he found the courage to research “the other side” of history.  He never regretted that he “wandered” into Croatian history or for being among Croats.  With his work he aided in lifting the fog over Croatian history in America and beyond, and by doing so he also aided in the fight for Croatian independence.
Many thanks to Michael for his sincere friendship to us who knew him and collaborated with him, and to Croatia and the Croats.  The search for historical truth carried him to the Croats, and may eternal Truth be the reward for his inexhaustible work and great love for the Croats in America and their homeland.
Dr. Ante Čuvalo

C. Michael McAdams (1947.-2010.)

C. Michael McAdams (1947.-2010.)

U spomen iskrenom hrvatskom prijatelju

gallery_95U Sacramentu, Kalifornija, umro je 29. listopada 2010. Charles Michael McAdams, povjesničar, publicist i iskreni američki prijatelj Hrvata.  U Hrvatskj se za njega nije čulo sve do propasti Jugoslavije, ali njegovo je ime poodavno prije tih velikih povijesnih promjena bilo dobro poznato među Hrvatima u svijetu.  Bio nam je ne samo poznat, nego je bio jedan od naših suboraca.
McAdams je rođen 8. svibnja 1947. u bazi američkih marinaca u Kaliforniji, gdje mu je otac bio časnik.  I on je služio u marincima, ali više ga je zanimala knjiga nego vojnički život te je poslije odsluženja vojne obveze studirao i diplomirao povijesne znanosti na University of the Pacific, poznatom privatnom sveučilistu u Kaliforniji.  Zatim je magistrirao na isusovačkom sveučilistu John Carroll University u Clevelandu, gdje je dobio i certifikat iz sovjetskih i istočno-europskih studija.  Nastavio je studirati komparativne političke i ideološke znanosti na University of Colorado, te na University of San Francisco.  Nakog završenih kolegija za doktorat, postaje (1979.) direktorom kampusa Sveučilista San Francisco u Sacramentu i tu ostaje do umirovljenja 2000. godine.
Jedna izreka kaže da se prava prijateljstva ne biraju, ona se jednostavno dogode.  Ovo bi se moglo reći i za McAdamsa i njegovo prijateljstvo s Hrvatima.  Naime, on je škotsko-židovskog podrijetla, a po vjeri protestant.  Za Hrvatsku je (na)čuo kao dječak; budući da je bio sakupljač poštanskih markica do ruku su mu došle i hrvatske markice.  Ali kad je kao student počeo čitati povijesne knjige i slušati profesore uvidio je da je sve što čita i čuje o Hrvatima negativno.  Upravo to konstantno demoniziranje Hrvata bio mu je povod da počne istraživati je li riječ o prodavanju magle onih koji zagovaraju status quo ili lijenost istraživača i profesora tražiti istinu pa prepričavaju otrcane šablonske priče, ili je to zaista tako.  Nije vjerovao da povijest može biti tako crno-bijela, pa je htio zaviriti malo dublje u hrvatsku prošlost .  A onda se dogodila i slučajnost koja je zacrtala njegov dalji akademski put.
Naime, negdje pri koncu studija našao se na California Street u San Franciscu.  Prolazio je pokraj jedne autokuće europskih automobila i na jednom vozilu zapazio malu hrvatsku zastavu.  Ušao je u salon i pitao radi li tu netko od Hrvata, htijući doći u dodir s Hrvatima u tom gradu.  Pitanje je postavio upravo Hrvatu, Zvonku Pribaniću, poznatom hrvatskom djelatniku u Kaliforniji.  I u tom slučajnom susretu „dogodilo“ se njegovo prijateljstvo sa Zvonkom i Hrvatima, koje je osalo trajno.  On je zapravo u potrazi za istinom naišao na ljude kojima je jedina želja i bila da se istina o Hrvatima što dalje čuje, i tu se rodilo istinsko savezništvo.  Što je Michael više čitao i istraživao i „drugu stranu“, uviđao je da je ono što se o Hrvatima govori i piše ponajvećma mit, a ne stvarnost.  I on se opredjeljuje ne samo tražiti istinu, nego dijeliti je i s drugima.
Da bi što bolje upoznao hrvatsku povijest, postdiplomske studije McAdams nastavlja na John Carroll University u Clevelandu, gdje mu je mentor bio prof. Jure Prpić, te upoznaje i surađuje i s drugim hrvatskim akademicima u Americi.  Po povratku u Kaliforniju Michael postaje djelatan među tamošnjim Hrvatima i, među ostalim, postaje jedan od utemeljitelja (1974.) Croatian Information Service-a.  (Ostali su bili: Petar Radielović, Zvonko Pribanić i Damir Radoš).  Od tad pa do konca života McAdams nije prestao Amerikancima i drugima u svijetu tumačiti tko su, što su i što žele Hrvati.  Napisao je više knjiga i knjižica, nekoliko priloga u zbornicima i više od stotinu članaka.  Jedna od najpopularnijih njegovi knjiga, Croatia Myth & Reality, prevedena je na hrvatski (Hrvatska – mit i istina) i druge jezike, te doživjela tri engleska izdanja (1992., 1994., 1997.).  Održao je mnoga prdavanja, sudjelovao na seminarima, pojavljivao se na TV i radio postajama.  Na tjednom Hrvatskom radio rasporedu u Kaliforniji godinama je pripremao i vodio rubriku „Trenuci u hrvatskoj povijesti.“  Bio je član Association for Croatian Studies, Croatian Academy of America, Hrvatsko-Latinoamerički Institut, Hrvatski fond za stipendije, itd.  Gostovao je kao predavač na raznim svučilištima u Americi, Australiji i, nakon osamostaljenja, u Hrvatskoj.  Za njegove zasluge u radu za Hrvate predsjednik Tuđman mu je dodijelio odličje Danice hrvatske s likom Marka Marulića.
Puno puta je McAdams uskakao u „vruće“ teme, što mu zasigurno nije pomoglo u njegovoj karijeri, ali kao pravi američki marinac nije se dao prestrašiti.  Ne samo da je bio uvjeren da Hravti imaju pravo na slobodu i samostalnost, nego se toj borbi i zdušno pridružio.  Mnogima je bio smetnja jer mu se nije moglo predbaciti da je „ustaško“ dijete, frustrirani emigrant ili plaćenik.  Svoja mišljenja i stavove je govorio jasno i glasno, ništa za sebe nije tražio i to mu je davalo moralnu snagu suočiti se sa čuvateljima i širiteljima povijesnih mitova.  McAdams je mogao, kao i toliki drugi, slijediti liniju manjeg otpora i ponavljati ono što su knjige pisale, ali on je imao kuražu istraživati i „drugu stranu“ povijesti.  Nije nikad požalio što je „zalutao“ u hrvatsku povijest i među Hrvate, te svojim radom doprinio odmaglivanju hrvatske povijesti u Americi i šire, a time i borbi za samostalnost Hrvatske.
Velika hvala Michaelu na iskrenom prijateljstvu ne samo s nama koji smo ga poznavali i s njim surađivali, nego i kao velikom prijatelju Hrvatske i Hrvata.  Traženje povijesne istine dovelo ga je do Hrvata, neka mu vječna Istina bude nagrada za njegov neumorni rad i veliku ljubav za Hrvate u Americi i njihovoj domovini.
Dr. Ante Čuvalo

Vitmomir Miles Raguž – Da nije bilo Oluje i drugi eseji/Who Saved Bosnia and other Essays.

Vitmomir Miles Raguž

Da nije bilo Oluje i drugi eseji/Who Saved Bosnia and other Essays.

Zagreb: Stih, 2005. pages 363.

FOREWORD

By Dr. Ante Čuvalo – Professor of History

For over thirty years, Walter Cronkite, celebrated former anchor of CBS Evening News, calmly, clearly, and with authority ended his news reports with the sign-off line, “And that’s the way it is.”  As a news anchor, he was voted by Americans among the top 10 “most influential decision-makers in America” in the 1970s.  His audience accepted his word that the world was the way he presented it.  This willingness to accept the world as others portray it is not unusual.  People around the world accept reality “the way it is” instead of making an effort to see it in all its complexity.
It is much siviewer1-150x150mpler, easier, and quite often safer to accept the assumptions that various Cronkites and would-be Cronkites of the world select, package, and present to us, rather than to accept Kant’s invitation to “dare to know” the perplexing realities of our world.  By Kant’s standard, those in the mass media, social sciences, and public life are doing a great disservice to humanity by claiming to possess the final word because by doing so they forestall our efforts to seek a better grasp of the world, that should, in turn, contribute to helping us to change it for the better.
This collection of essays by Vitomir Miles Raguz does not reflect the mainstream thinking among those who claim to be expert interpreters of the events that accompanied the collapse of Socialist Yugoslavia.  But one does not have to agree with the author to realize that this collection is a significant contribution to understanding recent events in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and the region.  He challenges the conventional wisdom regarding the tragic events of the period and he questions those that have repeatedly told us “that’s the way it is.”  Mr. Raguz bases his discourse on facts, not on politically correct assumptions and popular myths.  But he also distinguishes “visible” facts (who did what for various reasons on the local level) from beyond the scene policy-making processes and particulars, and he urges the experts to do the same if they wish to grasp the full meaning of events.  He is optimistic that future historians will probe more deeply, and by getting to the “bottom of things” contribute to regional reconciliation more than the ICTY or the “committed” experts of today.
Ambassador Raguz served in several Bosnian- Herzegovene and Croatian diplomatic posts (1992 to 2000), where he had a front-row seat to the historic drama that unfolded during that decade.  He was able to observe the protagonists of this drama and sometimes was on stage with them.  His close proximity to the participants who shaped events gave him significant insights regarding, for example, the role of Western powers in the withdrawal of Croatian military forces from Posavina (1992), the meeting between Alija Izetbegovic and Croatian diplomats in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia (1992), the intentions and the role of the United States in the Croatian military operation “Storm” (1995), and the various efforts to end the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The details Mr. Raguz reveals and the events he discusses were not state secrets nor were they unknown to foreign observers of the region at the time.  But many of these “details” were not made public and discussed because the standard paradigms then in use excluded them.  In other words, they would have forced radical changes in the realities constructed by experts on the region.  Probably the most popular paradigm was that of moral equivalence, which attributed equal blame for Yugoslavia’s violent dissolution to Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman.  But based on the policy-making processes that he witnessed, Raguz argues that “Croatia was not the problem but the solution” to the conflict caused by Serbian expansionism.  This was nowhere more evident than in the case of Bosnia- Herzegovina.
He does not lay the blame for the popularity of distorted images of Croatia and Croats on foreign image-makers, but places it with local and international politicos who bend the reality for short term policy gains, as well as with some intellectuals in Croatia.  The latter had a need to prove themselves to be on a par with what they believed to be the intellectually progressive elements in Europe.  At times this was also the case because of their ideological activism, and for some with non-democratic pasts, a way to personal rehabilitation through an external imprimatur.
This was not so for Ambassador Raguz, who was not trapped within idealistic nor ideological models.  When he accepted his first posting as a diplomat Mr. Raguz was a young banker, not a diplomat.  Nevertheless, he quickly grasped the basic rules of international politics that interest and realism prevail over idealism, internationalism, and humanitarianism.  He therefore writes about what happened, not what should have happened had the world been an ideal place.
A number of articles in this collection appeared in influential publications in the West, including the largest circulation English language policy daily The Wall Street Journal, The Jerusalem Post, European Voice, and The Harvard International Review, as well as in Croatian newspapers and magazines.  In each of these essays, Ambassador Raguz gives not only valuable eyewitness testimonies, but he also proves himself to be a first-rate analyst of events in the region.  He also offers suggestions for resolving what seem to be complex issues that continue to threaten peace and stability in south-eastern Europe.
Although Mr. Raguz is a realist, he is also an optimist.  He believes that well-intentioned people in that troubled part of Europe outnumber those with evil intentions “by a wide margin”. But he concludes that before the region can embark on its road to a better future, we must have a “balanced picture” of its recent wars.  For that reason he has repeatedly urged all those who were involved, both within and outside of the region, to question existing accounts which are popular but often inaccurate assessments of events, and to seek the truth in its full complexity- for the sake of a better future.
Chicago, Illinois
May, 2005

Vitmomir Miles Raguž

Da nije bilo Oluje i drugi eseji/Who Saved Bosnia and other Essays.

Zagreb: Stih, 2005. pages 363.

PREDGOVOR

Ante Čuvalo – profesor povijesti

Više od trideset godina je Walter Cronkite, negdašnji znameniti glavni izvjestitelj CBS-ovih večernjih vijesti, smireno, jasno i uvjereno završavao svoja izvješća rečenicom: “I tako je to”.  Kao uvaženog novinara, Amerikanci su ga u sedamdesetim godinama prošlog stoljeća uvrstili među desetoricu ljudi “koji najviše utječu na donošenje odluka u Americi”.  Gledatelji su prihvaćali njegovu tvrdnju da je svijet uistinu onakav kakvim ga je on prikazivao.  Ta spremnost da se prihvati nečije viđenje svijeta nije neuobičajena.  Ljudi diljem svijeta prihvaćaju “tako je to” stvarnost, umjesto da se potrude sagledati je u svoj njenoj složenosti.
Jednostavnije je, lakše, a najčešće i manje opasno prihvatiti pretpostavke što ih razni Cronkitei i nazovi Cronkitei na svijetu odabiru, pakiraju i prikazuju, nego prihvatiti Kantov poziv da se “odvažimo spoznati” začudnu stvarnost svijeta.  Po Kantovim mjerilima ljudi iz masovnih medija, društvenih znanosti i javnog života nanose veliku štetu čovječanstvu, tvrdnjom da posjeduju konačnu istinu, jer tako čini izlišnim naše nastojanje da što bolje spoznamo svijet, što bi nam, sa svoje strane, pomoglo da ga izmijenimo nabolje.
U ovoj knjizi skupljeni eseji Vitomira Milesa Raguža nisu odraz glavne struje onih što za sebe tvrde da su najpozvaniji tumačiti događaje koji su pratili slom socijalističke Jugoslavije.  Ne moramo se slagati s autorom da bismo shvatili da su ovdje skupljeni tekstovi značajan doprinos razumijevanju nedavnih zbivanja u Hrvatskoj, Bosni i Hercegovini i u regiji.  On se suprotstavlja uvriježenim shvaćanjima o tragičnim zbivanjima iz toga vremena i dovodi u pitanje one koji su nam neprestance tvrdili “tako je to”.  Raguž svoja razmatranja temelji na činjenicama, a ne na politički prihvatljivim pretpostavkama i uvriježenim mitovima.
Ali on, isto tako, razlikuje “vidljive” činjenice (tko je što učinio iz ovih ili onih razloga na lokalnoj razini) od procesa i pojedinosti koje su u pozadini donošenja političkih odluka, čime i stručnjake prisiljava da učine isto, ukoliko žele spoznati puno značenje pojedinih zbivanja.  On iskazuje optimističko očekivanje da će budući povjesničari doći do dubljih sagledavanja, te da će takvim prodorom u “srž stvari” doprinijeti regionalnoj pomirbi više nego Međunarodni krivični su u Haagu ili današnji “posvećeni” stručnjaci.
Veleposlanik Raguž obnašao je više dužnosti u hrvatskoj i bosansko-hercegovačkoj diplomaciji (od 1992. do 2000. godine), te je mogao izbliza promatrati povijesnu dramu koja se odvijala u tome desetljeću.  Bio je u prilici promatrati protagoniste te drame, a ponekad je s njima bio i na pozornici.  Bliskost sudionicima koji su oblikovali zbivanja omogućila mu je dublji uvid u, primjerice,ulogu zapadnih sila u povlačenju hrvatskih vojnih snaga iz Posavine (1992.), sastanak Izetbegovića i hrvatskih diplomata u Jedi, u Saudijskoj Arabiji (1992.), namjere i ulogu Sjedinjenih Država u hrvatskoj vojnoj operaciji Oluja (1995.), te raznorazne pokušaje za okončanje rata u Bosni i Hercegovini.
Pojedinosti koje Raguž iznosi i događaji okojima piše nisu predstavljali državne tajne, niti su u ono vrijeme bile nepoznate inozemnim promatračima.  Ali mnoge od tih “pojedinosti” nisu objavljene i o njima se nije raspravljalo, jer su se protivili tada prihvaćenu načinu sagledavanja stvarnosti.  Drugim riječima, oni bi doveli do korjenitih promjena u stvarnosti kakvu su stvorili stručnjaci za regiju.
Možda najraširenija paradigma bila je ona o podjednakoj moralnoj odgovornosti, koja je jednaku krivicu za krvavi raspad Jugoslavije pripisala Slobodanu Miloševiću i Franji Tuđmanu.  No na osnovi procesa donošenja političkih odluka kojima je svjedočio, Raguž dokazuje da “Hrvatska nije bila proble, nego rješenje” sukoba što ga je izazvao srpski ekspanzioinizam.  To je bilo najočitije u slučaju Bosne i Hercegovine.
Za iskrivljenu sliku o Hrvatskoj i o Hrvatima on, međutim, ne krivi inozemne stvaratelje imidža, nego domaće i inozemne političare koji zbog kratkoročnih političkih probitaka izokreću stvarnost, kao i neke hrvatske intelektualce.  Potonji osjećaju potrebu da dokažu da su ravni onima koje smatraju intelektualno naprednim elementima u Europi.  Ponekad to čine i zbog vlastitog političkog aktivizma, a za neke koji su imali nedemokratsku prošlost to je put za osobnu rehabilitaciju posredstvom vjerodajnice dobivene iz inozemstva.
Kod veleposlanika Raguža to nije slučaj.  On se ne da uhvatiti u zamku idealističkih ili ideologijskih modela.  Premda je u vrijeme kad je prihvatio prvo postavljenje na diplomatski položaj Raguž bio mladi bankar, a ne diplomat, ubrzo je shvatio osnovna pravila međunarodne politike, prema kojima interes i realizam imaju prevagu nad idealizmom, internacionalizmom i humanizmom.  On stoga piše o onome što se uistinu dogodilo, a ne o onome što se trebalo dogoditi kad bi svijet bio savršeno mjesto.
Veći broj članaka u ovoj knjizi objavljen je u izdanjima koja su na Zapadu utjecajna, uključujući najčitanije dnevne političke novine na engleskom jeziku The Wall Street Journal, a zatim The Jerusalem Post, European Voice i The Harvard International Review, kao i u hrvatskim novinama i časopisima.  U svim tim esejima veleposlanik Raguž iznosi ne samo vrijedna svjedočanstva izravnog promatrača, nego dokazuje da je prvorazredni analitičar zbivanja u regiji.  On, također, nudi i prijedloge za rješenje onoga što se doima kao niz složenih problema koji prijete ugroziti mir i stabilnost u jugoistočnoj Europi.
Premda je Raguž realist, on je i optimist.  Uvjeren je da su dobronamjerni ljudi u tom napaćenom europskom području daleko brojniji od onih sa zlim namjerama.  Ali zaključuje da prije nego što regija krene na putovanje u bolju budućnost, moramo stvoriti “uravnoteženu sliku” o nedavnim ratovima.  Iz toga razloga višekratno je pozivao sve koji su bili uključeni u zbivanja, kako one u regiji tako i one izvan nje,da preispitaju postojeće verzije događaja koje su se uvriježile, ali često ne odgovaraju činjenicama, i da potraže istinu u svoj njenoj složenosti – radi bolje budućnosti sviju.
Chicago, Illinois
Svibnja 2005.

There are no New or Old Muslims, instead, there are Wahhabis

Rešid Hafizović on Bugojno

Oslobođenje/Liberation-July 31, 2010

http://bosnamuslimmedia.com/2010/07/31/intervju-dr-resid-hafizovic-oslobodenje-31-7-2010-god/

There are no New or Old Muslims, instead, there are Wahhabis

Oslobođenje: Professor Hafizović, the terrorist attack in Bugojno reminded many of the terrible, almost prophetic significance of your article, published precisely in „Oslobođenje,” titled “They are coming for our children.”  How did you feel when your darkest premonitions became true and that ignoring your words of warning proved to be disastrous?
Hafizović: When I wrote the text under the above title almost four years ago, and after its reprint following the terrorist attack in Bugojno, I felt awful and sad at the same time, because I realized that what I thought was definitely a thing of the past and, just another event in the history of Muslim literature, culture and civilization, instead had actually become our daily life, a new pestilence after the bloody aggression the Bosniaks barely survived, a new virus which ultimately will ruin a half-millennia old national, religious, and cultural identity of the Bosnian Muslims – Bosniaks.  That virus has already destroyed every chance for Islam in Europe, Islam as it once existed in Muslim Spain, and now is ending its work with the autochthonous (indigenous) European Muslim groups in the Balkans and Southeast European region.   I wish I never had to write that text, and I would be even happier if my predictions never became true and that I had been wrong.
Oslobođenje: In our community the issue of the “new Muslims,” as they are referred to by reis Cerić, or “Wahhabis” as often they are called by the media, or “Salafis” as they usually identify themselves, is by and large addressed superficially.  Can you please explain to our readers, in a few words, this terminological confusion and briefly tell us what kind of Muslims that we are talking about here?
Hafizović: There are not any “new” or “old” Muslims. There are only Muslims as such, Muslims as they are defined by Kur’an and Sunna of the Islamic Prophet (a.s.), as they largely have existed throughout the planet for over one thousand and four hundred years. The above division comes from the top of the Bosniak religious leadership and it is just one of the unacceptable terms of their irresponsible use of language in public discourse. The use of this kind of language only deepened, throughout all these years, the gaps among the Bosniaks, caused quarrels among them and turned them against each other. On the other hand, by such undefined and distasteful tagging of Muslims as “new” or “old,” our religious leadership consciously and purposely absolved itself from every responsibility, as well as from the need of resolving some things on time and placing them in their rightful places for the sake of Islam and the Muslims.
In fact, traditional Bosnian Muslims make up the largest percent of Muslim population in Bosnia, such as described by the sources of Islamic faith themselves. And then, there are ‘Wahhabis’, Muslim puritans and perpetual world fixers.  Traditional, authentic Islam, does not fit in any way into their twisted view, and even the Prophet of Islam (a.s.), as a true Meccan aristocrat, is not good enough for them. They are turning him into a caricature, a messy bearded shepherd and a completely ordinary camel driver. They trace their lineage to a Saudi grumbler from the Seventeenth century, Muhammad Ibn Abd-al-Wahhab, an under-educated reformer who declared a jihad against all Muslims of that time with the aid of the later Saudi dynasty which he helped climb the political throne with his phalanxes. He carved in blood the borders of today’s Saudi monarchy in the heart of the Muslim empire.  In a shameful alliance with imperialist Britain, he attacked Islamic rule executing thousands of men at Karbala, Najaf, and other places.  He shed streams of Muslim blood in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, Taif, and other places.  Today’s ‘Wahhabis’ are tied to the name and ideological heritage of this man, which some of the Bosniak politicians in this country, inappropriately, irresponsibly, and wrongly have been equalizing with traditional Muslim legal schools or Mezhebs (Mddhhab). Wahhabism is, in fact, a puritan movement unsatisfied with and intolerant of everything which does not fit its ideological views, and, because of that, it is often predisposed to the methods of murderous ideologies that use any means to achieve their goals.  As it is characteristic of every such earlier and later movement, within this puritan faction among the Muslims also exist ferments and certain stratifications which assume other names and different identities.  When their mentality, psychology, and unacceptable way of acting finally became transparent, some of them found refuge under the name of ‘salafism,’ and, arrogantly and without precedent, tried to equalize themselves with the first three most exemplary generations of Muslims and their values and virtues.  Others, the extreme radical ones for whom even those who shared their beliefs up to that moment were not good enough anymore, promoted themselves into Wahhabi avant-garde and became ‘tekfiris’ – those who have allowed themselves what even the Prophet of Islam (a.s.) did not do nor was he allowed to do, that is, they assumed the privilege to decide who is a true Muslim, and who is not.  Basically, we are talking here about the one and same movement, the same intolerant ‘philosophy,’ the same mental framework.  The difference in the names, by which they decorate themselves, is only virtual and not of any real significance.  In essence, we are talking about unschooled, uneducated, confused people, who forbid their own children, for example, to study biology in school, not even being aware that the subject of study in this honorable discipline is in the closest link with God’s Name ‘Al-Zahir’ or God-Visible acting in the world of the senses.  On the one hand they pride themselves for being the only true followers of the Prophet of Islam (a.s.), and on the other hand, by their ignorance and lack of knowledge of religious practices, they are attacking the very core of Islamic religious doctrine.
Oslobođenje: How did you experience the reactions of the public to the Bugojno attack, I mean, the reactions of the political leadership and those of the Islamic community?
Hafizović: I have experienced them as the apex of human and professional hypocrisy.  All of them racing so aggressively, like Pharisees, to the place of the attack to address that terrorist act with the most vicious labels and harsh words.  And that was all.  None of them moved a finger after that, they didn’t even feel a bit of responsibility or readiness to take responsibility for our future.  They all knew everything, but they pretended to be so ‘innocently perplexed’ and surprised. To make things worse, soon after the event, they began to repeat their old tales.  They were ready to shift the responsibility to anybody in order to absolve the Wahhabi ideology, the ‘new Muslims’ who, supposedly, are the only ones able to defend the Bosniaks from genocide, as the Bosniak religious leadership puts it, and one of the highly positioned Bosniak politicians even decorates them with nothing less than the title of ‘mezhep.’  If this were out of ignorance that would be forgivable, but it is not.  It is done from purely manipulative pre-election expediency, in order not to upset that ideology and its mentors from the Arabian peninsula from where, right now, are coming countless delegations of merchants, businessmen, and investors, just like four years ago, so that our voting public may get the false impression that something creative is being done and that, after the upcoming elections, only roses will bloom for us.  Because of such ignorant behavior and indolence to look at these phenomena right into the eye, I am afraid, things will get even worse, and we shall all be deeply sorry for our irresponsibility for not acting at the right time.
Oslobođenje:  In the last few months, an intense debate is taking place in several European countries about banning niqab in addition to the fact that some countries have already passed certain laws on the subject.  What is your take on this matter?
Hafizović: As terrorism has become a global problem of the human community, so the most accountable political power-holders in the world, for the sake of the future of the planet, attempted to create a new system of culture security with totally new procedures and standards, in order to put somehow that unfortunate global phenomenon at least under control.  For this reason, the question came up of identifying every individual on this planet as fast and unmistakably as possible.  Because of these new security measures in the world, under assault were burka and niqab, integral parts of the dress culture of certain Muslim women in recent times, especially those for whom it is not enough the norm of Muslim women attire as stated in the Kur’an more than fourteen centuries ago, which prescribed that a Muslim woman come to pray with a covered head, unveiled face, covered arms to her fists and covered legs down to the ankles.  If a Muslim woman can appear this way in front of the ‘Face of God’, why can’t she come up in front of any creature which He created?  If this is not the result of ideological compulsion, as is the case of burka in Afghanistan during the Taliban period, or the result of someone’s own initiative to imitate the Prophet’s (a.s.) women, about whom the Kur’an explicitly states that they “are not like other women” (Al-Ahzab, 32), and, analogous to that, these later ones cannot be, even if they wanted to, as those earlier ones, then the insistence on wearing a burka and niqab is mostly a question of personal choice and the least a question of faith and religious belief.  If the experts for human rights agree that this part of apparel cannot be omitted from the body of human rights, then I am the first one not to allow human rights to be touched, no matter what human rights are in question, but that should not be linked to faith and be justified by faith, turning one’s own religious tradition, in spite of the billion and five hundred million Muslims in the world, into a caricature and anachronistic phenomenon, but that issue has to be put on the level of a personal, individual fashion option and choice.  All up to the time when the ‘ulema’ began to arrive to us from the Arabian peninsula, we did not have problems with burka and niqab. All these five centuries of Islam in Bosnia we had our grandmothers, mothers, sisters, and daughters wearing the recognizable native, Bosnian shawl, by which they covered their heads the way the Kur’an commands, so that never, not even during Communist rule, did this create any difficulty.
What bothers me, personally, in this entire confusion and artificially imposed problem about burka and niqab is this: Some Muslims are not able to comprehend that a billion more important issues exist which, for their own sake, should be resolved as soon as possible.  After that is done, they can take the rest of their free time to debate the issue of burka and niqab, because that is the last of the ‘important’ things in the line of priorities which today stand before such a large number of Muslims, who can only prove themselves as a large biological factor but who have no vital influence in the world market of ideas and other kinds of accomplishments.  I would be happier if I could see in tomorrow’s Bosnia as many as possible of the best trained Muslim women university professors, with a strong consciousness of their own religious identity and values, whether they wore a shawl or not, than to see a crowd of women captured in burka and niqab, cut from the world and from life.  Islam gave freedom and dignity to many women in the Muslim world, but others were enslaved and humiliated by some Muslim rulers who took away their freedom and basic human rights in the twenty first century, and despised them as a necessary evil, something they cannot do without.
Oslobođenje: Such an atmosphere in Europe is being misused by certain circles in the Republika Srpska, who are demanding the outlaw of niqab in Bosnia and Hercegovina.  How do you comment on this?
Hafizović: This is pure manipulation and abuse, as in everything else so far.  The government in the smaller BiH entity [Republika Srpska] does not care about secular Europe and her struggle for secular European values.  That government is only interested in the means of turning off the world’s attention from all that government and its institutions are responsible for.  The said government knows that it rests on two criminal pillars, that is, the police and the military of that entity, while both of these institutions have been condemned by an international court for genocide, and that is why efforts have to be made to remove them.  That government knows that it does not cooperate sufficiently with the state institutions of this land, that it ignores every criticism that comes from a variety of political and diplomatic international circles, for not arresting and processing hundreds of war criminals who not only walk freely throughout this land and the world, but many of whom have high positions in the institutions of that entity. That government knows that the entity it controls is marked by hundreds of massive graves with remains of executed Bosniaks and it is deliberately hiding the evidence from domestic and international investigators.  Finally, that government, by misusing the European debate regarding burka and niqab, is trying, after not being able to break up this country, to convince the world that ‘Bosnia is becoming an oasis of White terrorism,’ and, because of that, it has to be stopped on her road to European integration and it has to be isolated as the bottomless pit of the Balkans.  That is the ultimate purpose of the entire initiative regarding burka and niqab which comes from the smaller BiH entity.
Oslobođenje: Having also in mind the results of the referendum in Switzerland about the ban of minarets, can we talk here of a growing anti-Muslim atmosphere in the West?
Hafizović:  In the West, in a lesser or greater measure, an anti-Muslim environment exists since the fall of Granada in 1492.  The fact is that the West is not completely happy with the presence of tens of millions of Muslims in its midst, not being aware that Islam, with its basic values, after the period of Muslim Sicily and Spain, and later the Balkans too, is woven into the heart of West European cultural identity.  Not knowing or not wishing to know that, the West, especially the integrating Europe, is not even able to finish the story of its own cultural identity.  It will not be able to finalize that process until it recognizes what the Muslims gave to it, and that Muslim values are imbedded in European architecture, music, literature, philosophy, art, and other civilized achievements.  They can easily find out about it, if they wish to, because there are mountains of manuscripts and written literature about it. In that way, the traditional anti-Muslim environment in Europe and in the West would disappear or, at least, diminish.  The case of Switzerland only indicates how in Europe still, at least occasionally, the virus of Islamophobia reigns, but some Muslims in Europe and in the West often bear responsibility for such a climate. Inept in their own intellectual tradition and infected by the virus of Muslim puritanism, they are not able to establish even intra-Islamic communication, and even less communication with their surroundings.  The words of Rabbi Joseph Krauskopf in his book Jews and Moors in Spain (Kansas City, 1887), in which he describes the situation in Spain after the expulsion of Muslims and Jews, can also be applied to them today.  He states: “It was too late for Spain to call the Moriscos (Muslims) back.  Arabs-Muslims, as they once lived in Spain, did not exist any more. Their descendents, unenlightened Bedouins, are roaming through the vastness of Africa, which once their ancestors illuminated and civilized by their scholarship….a deep, much too deep darkness reigns now on the Arabian peninsula.” According to that, when the Muslims, especially those in the West, change their attitude toward their own tradition of thinking and believing, they will also change their present situation, as well as their relationship with their neighbors.
Oslobođenje: You are from Srebrenica. How do you comment the events commemorating the fifteenth anniversary of the genocide: From the coming of Tadić [President of Serbia] and Erdogan [PM of Turkey] to the new Dodik’s provocations, and the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina is probably the only country in Europe whose state parliament did not take a stand regarding the issue of the Srebrenica genocide?
Hafizović: I participated at the latest jenaza in Potočari.  My sister, after burying her only son, buried her husband on that day.  That was the real reason for my being there. Otherwise, lately, I avoid going to Potočari on that particular day, because every year one can hear there too many phony speeches from [our] politicians and foreign diplomats, as well as sanctimonious haughtiness from our religious leadership.  All of them, on that day, pour crocodile tears, deliver self-promoting speeches, and then leave and don’t remember Potočari and Srebrenica anymore.
As far as Tadić and Erdogan are concerned, they were the brightest figures there yet.  If not from human, then at least from well-thought diplomatic and state reasons, Tadić found courage and came to Potočari.  To the Western public, he presented himself as a humanist and democrat, and to his country, he opened the door toward Brussels a little more.  At this moment, nothing more can be expected from him neither here nor in Belgrade.
Erdogan is, no doubt, our friend, a big diplomat, a statesman and cordial lobbyist for Bosnia.  By one move, he does more for his, as well as for our homeland than an entire gang of our politicians during their four-year-long mandate.  However, unfortunately, neither Erdogan, nor Tadic it seems, have a worthy interlocutor among the Bosniak political and religious leadership.
The fact that our state parliament is the only such institution that did not take a clear stand regarding the definition of genocide in Srebrenica, as opposed  to most of the democratic world, clearly tells that Bosniak politicians on the state level are neither capable nor responsible, and that even there Dodik’s politics dominate absolutely.  And all of that, is only a tribute we are paying because of the spite-politics of some Bosniak politicians, and, as God is my witness, because of our religious leadership too, which, as our readers will remember, was blowing strongly into Dodik’s sails during the last elections, so that the largest Bosniak political party lost the elections in the larger BiH entity, and its leader lost his seat for the Presidency of BiH.  All of this is only an indicator of how unworthy are the hands into which the political and religious scepters in this land have fallen.  Now we have got what we have got.
Oslobođenje: Turkey has been more and more intensively coming back onto the world scene as an influential factor.  Do you think that her growing interest for this area can help consolidate the situation in the region?
Hafizović: Despite the suspicion that comes from Belgrade’s Orientalist circles and the appraisal of how a new Ottomanization is taking place in the Balkans, a return of Turkey to these areas would bring betterment to all.  Turkey is a true regional power that has a good reputation in the Muslim world as well as in the West.  She is an important member of the NATO and a strong ally of America.  She has a clear-cut Muslim majority, but also clearly recognizable secular values. It has evolved to such an extent that it has become a strong factor of stability and is, perhaps, more indispensable to Europe, than Europe to her.  Today, Turkey has the best and most capable first political and state echelon, which has proven that it can gather together within twenty-four hours and in one place, yesterday’s enemies or adversaries and sign with them a declaration which includes an important and beneficial strategy for all sides. Today, the Turkish voice is being heard far away and it is seriously listened to.  That is why neither we nor anyone in the Balkan region should be deaf to that voice.
Oslobođenje: It seems that BiH foreign policy, especially, if I may say, the part shaped by the Bosniak leadership, is not capable of defining itself toward the countries of the Islamic world in a way that would enable Bosnia and Herzegovina to remain between the East and the West: Is this actually possible?
Hafizović: Bosniak foreign policy is so bad that I ask myself if it exists at all.  In that segment, practically we don’t have a serious human figure, no one with a recognizable and influential diplomatic handwriting and footprint.  That’s why it is difficult even to expect some perceptible foreign policy, especially one that would establish an equilibrium of Bosnian relationship toward the East and the West, as is the case with Turkey.  Otherwise, I think that it is possible to institute such relations.  Moreover, with all the objections that we could utter regarding our foreign policy during the Presidency of the late Alija Izetbegović, it should be said that such type of relationships, although not precisely perfect, nevertheless existed at the time.  It can be done again, but we need politicians totally differently designed in their mental framework, in their education, and general culture.
Oslobođenje: New elections will take place in two months, do you think that after the third of October we will have more reasons for optimism than today?
Hafizović: If we will have to choose new officials from the actual political scene, well-known to us for the last fifteen years, I think there is not room for optimism.  The new names on the present election lists, who are promising us a better future, are, in my opinion, even worse because with them the old Nicean marriage bond between politics and religion, as a dark reflection of Emperor Constantine and Egyptian bishop Athanasius is coming back on the local scene.  That cannot be good in any way.  We would return into the deep darkness of the past centuries, and precisely in that darkness from said bond, comes out a witchy egg from which there is no healthy offspring, only much blood and dying.
All Bosnians and Herzegovinians who have respect for themselves, will vote for people who will not suck their blood and that of their children through a straw, but those people who will take them into the twenty-first century and into the safe haven of the best achievements of modern civilization.  Every sober Bosnian and Herzegovinian must know that during the next elections he does not only vote in his name, but in the name of every child, grandchild, and great-grandchild, for the future of this land, which should be the only ground under our feet.  Having that in mind, let everyone listen to his consciousness, and in the depth of his heart cries out to God – which is so human to do – to enlighten his mind on that day and help him make the best decision.
Oslobođenje: To conclude, could you tell our readers what are you presently working on?
Hafizović: Many things are in the process of becoming a reality.  Momentarily, I’m finishing a manuscript on Islam in European cultural identity.  I’m also trying to finish the fourth, and last, volume of a big Arabian manuscript that was written in the seventeenth century by one of the best known Bosniak intellectuals, Abdullah-efendy Bosniak, as the most beautiful “Commentary on Gems of Prophetic Wisdom” ever written in the time period of eight centuries.  The Commentary itself refers to the fundamental work of sufi literature ‘Fusus al-Hikam’, which was written by a truly European Muslim, the famous Andalusian mystical philosopher Muhjuddin Ibn ‘Arabi in the twelfth century.  The entire translation of the manuscript into Bosnian, out of which three volumes have already been published, will be of about 2,000 pages long.  This is what I’m finishing at the moment and it should be the first of my present projects to see the light of day.

HRVATSKE ŠKOLSKE POČETNICE U NEDAVNOJ PROŠLOSTI I DANAS

Hrvatsko slovo

27. kolovoza 2010.

HRVATSKE ŠKOLSKE POČETNICE

U NEDAVNOJ PROŠLOSTI I DANAS

Od domoljublja do nacionalne samozataje

Piše: Ante Čuvalo

Stara izreka veli da je knjiga najbolji prijatelj. Ali ima svakovrsnih knjiga. One mogu biti što god čovjek od njih želi napraviti — mogu biti izvor znanja, kulture, lijepog odgoja i nadahnuća ili, s druge strane, mogu biti oruđe za pranja mozga, zaglupljivanje i manipulaciju; mogu biti izvor mržnje i drugih zala; mogu biti otrov…. Shvaćajući važnost knjige i školstva, razne ideologije, vlastodršci i svi oni koji su željeli i žele nametnuti svoje svjetonazore i premoć nad drugima nastojali su čim prije i što čvršće zavladati školstvom i osvojiti tvrđave znanja.

Ima već podulje godina otkako se u mojoj kućnoj knjižnici nalaze dvije hrvatske pučkoškolske početnice iz dva različita doba. Obje sam sa sobom donio iz Amerike. Prva je stigla u Ameriku poslije Drugog svjetskog rata, a druga je prodavana u nekadasnjoj (srpskoj) knjižari „Palandich“ u Chicagu, koja je, dakle, širena i među Hrvatima u svijetu, odnosno iz koje su učila (neka) hrvatska djeca u Americi.

Prva knjiga je Moj dom – Početnica i čitanka za I. godište pučkih škola u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj. Zagreb: Nakladni odjel Hrvatske državne tiskare, 1942. , 122 str. Druga je Početnica i čitanka za I. razred osnovne škole. Sastavio radni odbor; (za rad. odbor Ante Blaženčić). Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Hrvatske, 1949., 128 str. Udžbenici nam, pa čak i oni za najmlađe, mogu poslužiti kao prozorčići u tadašnja vremena i zato sam pregledao i analizirao ove dvije početnice te ovdje dijelim s vama što mi je zapelo za oko. Ali ove dvije početnice zaslužuju i dodatak. Naime, ne će biti na odmet ako malo zavirimo u udžbenike kojima se danas služe đaci prvog razreda u Republici Hrvatskoj i prvaši u djelovima Bosne i Hercegovine (Federaciji) gdje dobrim dijelom žive Hrvati. Dakle, pođimo redom.

Početnica iz 1942.

knij-206x300Ova početnica je tvrdo uvezana, prednja korica je u veselim bojama; na njoj su narisana djeca u različitim hrvatskim narodnim nošnjama, veseli su, uzbuđeni, bezbrižni, beru cvijeće…. Htjelo se naglasiti da djeca s veseljem idu u školu, ali zasigurno i činjenicu da su sada u svojoj hrvatskoj državi. Na naslovnoj stranici piše ne samo da je to početnica i čitanka za I. godište pučkih škola, nego se naglašuje da je to „u Nezavisnoj državi Hrvatskoj.“ Tu su i mali hrvatski grb i troplet, ali i ideološki znak: sićušno slovo „U“ iznad grba. Na prvih 33 stranice na svakoj stranici ima jedan ili više crteža, svi su uglavnom iz života na selu, djeca i odrasli su u narodnim nošnjama, u veselim su bojama i veselu zanosu. Poslije 33. stranice manje je crteža i crno-bijeli su. U Početnici, to jest prvom dijelu knjige, sva su štiva tipično dječja, bez ideoloških primjesa. Jedino na stranici 26 nacrtana je skupina djece kako koracaju pod hrvatskim barjakom i kratak tekst koji govori kako će se i oni boriti za domovinu Hrvtsku, te završava „Živjela Hrvatska!“

Drugi dio knjige, to jest „Čitanka“, ima sljedeće podnaslove: Zima odlazi, Proljeće, Ljeto, Dom i škola, Bog i domovina, Čovjek i rad te Priroda i stvari. Dio „Bog i domovina“ sadrži sljedeća štiva: „U selu“, „Gorsko selo“, „Grad“, „Zavičaj“ i „Domovina“, te pjesme: „Molitva“, „Uskrs“, „Večernja zvona“, „Hrvatsko selo“, „Željeznica“, „Domovini“ i „Mali Hrvat“.

Početnica iz 1942. je zasigurno domoljubna i to, moglo bi se reći, veselo domoljubna. Uz znanje, ona nastoji u djeci potaknuti ljubav za njihovo selo, kraj i domovinu. U njoj nema nikakvih oblika mržnje protiv ikoga ili ičega. Bosna i Hercegovina je uključena kao dio domovine i u knjizi se govori o Bajramu kao i o Božiću, te o Džaferu i Salki kao i o Mari, Đuki i Stipi. Na koncu štiva „Domovina“ uskliče se „Živjela Hrvatska!“ i uz to se ipak dodaje „Živio Poglavnik!“ (st. 94.)

Početnica iz 1949.

knij2Ova početnica je mekih korica u tmurnim bojama. Dečko i curica, koji idu u školu, također su u potištenim bojama, preozbiljni su i u manje ili više, „nedefiniranim“ seljačkim narodnim odorama. Svi crteži u knjizi su crno-bijeli. Drugi dio, „Čitanka“, nije podijeljen na podnaslove nego su štiva i pjesme razbacani bez kakva tematskog reda, ali između uobičajenih dječjih štiva stalno se ubacuju i ona s ideološkim nabojem. Već na stranici 16 je crtež dečka Mome s „partizankom“ kapom na glavi i u „pionirskoj“ odori, a onda slijede i druga djeca u takvim odorama. Na stranici 20 djeca (koja tek uče slova!) raduju se zidnim novinama izvješenim na ploči s dvije petokrake. Na str. 26 predstavljeno je slovo „T“, ali nije teško pogoditi kako se najbolje pamti slovo „T“! Tu je nacrtana skupina ljudi koji nose Titovu sliku i natpise: „Tito, Tito, Tito; Svi smo Titovi, Tito nas vodi“. Ispod slike je tekst:

Sav je narod veseo:

Ti-to, Ti-to, Ti-to!

Tito nas voli.

Mi smo Titovi.

Tito je sin domovine.

S Titom je sav narod.

Svi smo Titovi.

Slovo „P“ se vježbalo uz tekst kako pioniri stupaju i pjevaju, u pionirskim su odorama i s „partizanakom“ na glavi, te s jugo-zastavama i natpisom „Tito“ (str. 30).

A na strani 31 tata Pajo iz Armije piše pismo sinu Peri i u pismu naglašava kako pioniri „vole Tita i armiju“. „O“ – otac se vraća iz rata. Naravno s „partizankom“ na glavi, u od Nijemaca popaljeno selo. „Š“ – u šumi su partizani, „Narod je poslušao Šimuna. Šuma je štitila narod.“ „B“ – „Bila je borba“ (uz crtež partizana na fronti). Švabe su palile sela i ubijali narod. „Sa Švabama su išli ustaše“. „Borba nam je donijela pobjedu“. „Danas više nema rata. Mi smo pobijedili. Nema više ustaša ni Švaba. Borba nas je spasila. Mi smo slobodni.“ Zanimljivo je da nema više ustaša, al’ se ne kaže da nema četnika!

Kako bi se moglo učiti slovo „Z“ a ne govoriti o zvijezdi, odnosno zvijezdi petokraki. Tu je i Zoran koji je crtao zvijezde za „vrijeme Švaba“, bio zatvoren, partizani ga oslobodili, i on postao partizan. Na crtežu su zgrade s nacrtanim zvijzdama po zidu i imenom Tito, latinicom i ćirilicom. „Zvijezda je znak slobode. Svi, koji se bore za slobodu, nose crvenu zvijezdu…. Zato i mi nosimo zvijezdu na kapama. I mi smo nosili borcima jelo i poštu.“ „Borbom su protjerali Švabe i izdajice.“ A zna se, izdajice su bili svi koji nisu bili za Tita i partizane!

F“ se najbolje uči uz riječ fašisti! Tako su fašisiti odveli postolara Franu i mučili ga da izda svoje drugove, osudili ga na smrt a on, „Pod vješalima je uskliknuo: Smrt fašizmu – Sloboda narodu!“ (str. 47)

Riječi Hrvoje i Hrvat pomažu kod učenja slova „H“, ali ne daj Bože da se to ne bi „uravnotežilo“ s „J“ i „S“! Tekst glasi: „Hrvoje i Jovo dva su dobra druga. Hrvoje je Hrvat, a Jovo je Srbin. Hrvati i Srbi zajedno su oslobodili Hrvatsku od fašista.“ (str. 49)

Ž“ se najlakše uči uz riječi Žarko, Živko i živjeli, posebice sljedećim uzvicima:

Živjeli pioniri!

Živio Maršal Jugoslavije drug Tito!

Živjela hrabra jugoslavenska armija!

Živjela Narodna Republika Hrvatska! (str. 53).

Lj“ se uči uz priču o ljubavi, ali ne o svakakvoj, nego o „Bratskoj ljubavi“(str. 59). Tu je crtež dječaka u srpskoj i vršnjaka mu u hrvatskoj (zagorskoj) narodnoj nošnji. Stevo i Ivo pjevaju „Druže Tito, naš rođeni brate, što sjedini Srbe i Hrvate.“ A zatim Smilja i Ljerka pjevaju onu poznatu „ Druže Tito, ljubičice bijela….“, a ispod pjesme je usklik: „Za domovinu – Za Tita Naprijed!“ (str. 60)

Slijedi „Čitanka“, koja je prepuna revolucije, Tita, partizana, petogodišnjeg plana, tvornica, pionira udarnika, te fašista i narodnih neprijatelja…. „Čitanka“ ima 65 stranica i na njima nabrojih spominjanje pionira 20 puta, a jedan od njih obećaje: „Ljubit ću svoje roditelje i braću, sav radni narod, svoju domovinu i druga Tita, a mrziti sve one, koji bi htjeli da nam otmu slobodu.“ Drugi pionir odmah poslije prvog razreda odlazi „na prugu“. Djeca marširaju, igraju se rata protiv fašista koji se spominje 11 puta. Titovo ime se spominje 20 puta; partizani (spasioci) 7 puta, čak i Acu Rankovića jednom. Pri koncu se slavi „narodna armija“, „narodni heroji“, a kako bi knjiga mogla proći bez pjesmice „Titovo kolo – koga ne bi vo’lo!“ Tito je „Bosi dječak“ kojeg „od škole nije mogao odvratiti ni studeni vjetar, ni kiša.“ „Taj negdašnji dječak današnji je heroj, maršal Jugoslavije, naš Josip Broz-Tito.“ Na kraju je i najveća radost mladih pionira, susret i slika s drugom Titom! A knjiga završava poklikom „Za domovinu – Za Tita – Naprijed!“

O bratstvu Srba i Hrvata trabalo je iz malena pjevati:

Dva rođena brata:

Srbin uz Hrvata.

Srca složno biju,

i radost siju.

Ruka ruku steže

I bratstvo ih veže. (str. 77).

Plodove takvog odgoja i bratstva najbolje smo vidjeli unatrag nekoliko godina u Vukovaru, Gospiću, Škabrinji, Dubrovniku….

Početnice ovodobne

Sad zavirimo i u udžbenike prvog razreda naših dana. U ruci su mi dva udžbenika i radne bilježnice koje idu uz njih: Ante Bežen i Vesna Budinski. Prvi koraci: Početnica za prvi razred osnove škole. Zagreb, Profil, 2007., (148 str.) i Radna bilježnica (100 str.). Dr. sc. Ivan De Zan et al. Naš svijet 1: Udžbenik prirode i društva s CD-om za 1. razred osnovne škole. Zagreb,Školska knjiga, 2008., (94 str.) i Radna bilježnica (68 str.).

knij3Pri prvom pogledu lako je zamijetiti da su ovi udžbenici ljepši, moderniji, pedagoški suvremeniji i djeci „prijateljskiji“ od onih iz „bivših“ vremena. Usput zamijetih, premda se u njima govori o modernom životu, oni ni ne spominju kompjutere/računala, a znamo da današnja djeca u tim godinama, u najviše slučajeva, počinju „kljucati“ po tim modernim „mozgovima“. Ali ovdje ne ćemo o tome, nego je riječ o ideološkim „crtama“ u pučkoškolskim početnicama.

Nije teško uočiti da su ovo „gradske“ knjige, pripremljene za gradsku djecu. Dvije knjige pod naslovom Prvi koraci nemaju ništa o selu, kao da i ne postoji. U Radnoj bilježnici ima četiri crteža indijanskih „šatora“ (tipee) iza koji poviruju dva mališana u indijanskim tradicionalnim nošnjama (str. 21), ali nema ništa o hrvatskim selima ili koji crtež iz tolikog bogatstva hrvatskih narodnih nošnji. U udžbeniku Naš svijet ima poglavlje „Selo – mjesto u kojem živim“, ali nema tu ništa o seljacima ili životu na selu, nego nešto malo kako kuće na selu imaju okućnice.

Kad je riječ o domoljublju, stvari stoje ovako: U udžbeniku Prvi koraci, na stranici koja govori o slovu „H“ nacrtana je knij4karta Republike Hrvatske „obučena“ u crveno-bijele kockice. Tu je i velikm slovima ime „Hrvatska“ i rečenica „Hrvatska je moja domovina“. (str. 54.) Kod učenja pisanog slova „N“ uvrštena je pjesma „Naš put“ koja na dva mjesta spominje „Lijepu našu.“ Nadat se je da učitelji ipak tumače djeci o kojoj se zemlji radi. Radna bilježnica koja ide uz gore spomenutu početnicu spominje Hrvatsku opet samo kod vježbanja slova „H“. Tekst glasi: „Hrvatska je moja domovina. Volim Hrvatsku. Tu sam se rodio. Hrvatska je lijepa.“ (str. 68)

Udžbenik Naš svijet je ipak nešto slikovitiji kad se tiče Hrvatske. Tu je crtež škole, a pred školom visi hrvatski barjak (str. 10.), a u razredu iznad ploče visi hrvatski grb (str. 18.). U poglavlju o blagdanima govori se i o „Danu neovisnosti“ (str. 81.). Uz sliku s nekoliko hrvatskih zastavica, tekst poučava: „Domovina je država u kojoj živimo. Naša se domovina zove Republika Hrvatska. Dan neovisnosti slavimo 8. listopada. Mi volimo svoju domovinu.“ Djeca trebaju odgovoriti kako su proslavili Dan neovisnosti i opisati hrvatsku zastavu. Na str. 57. Radne bilježnice djeca uvježbavaju ono što je rečeno i zadano u udžbeniku uz „Dan neovisnosti“.

Zamijetiti je da se u ovim udžbenicima dobro pazi da ne bi „pretjerali“ u „hrvatovanju“. Domoljublje je ograničeno na Republiku Hrvatsku i za one koji su rođeni u njoj. Ali nema nikakve poruke malim Hrvatićima koji su rođeni izvan RH, negdje u svijetu, a koji se budu služili ovim početnicama. Ima li potrebe i njima natuknuti što bi Hrvatska za njih trebala znači i tko su Hrvati, premda nisu rođeni u Republici Hrvatskoj?

knij5Udžbenici kojima se služe prvaši u županijma Bosne i Hercegovine (Federacije) u kojima obitavaju Hrvati su slijedeći: Terezija Zokić, Jadranka Bralić i Marija Musa. Početnica – Tajna slova – za 1. razred osmogodišnje osnovne škole. Mostar, Školska naklada, 2007., (202 str.), Terezija Zokić i Jadranka Bralić. Radna bilježnica B za hrvatski jezik u 1. razredu osnovne škole – Tajna slova 1. Zagreb, Školska knjiga, 2007., (122str.), Dr. sc. Ivan DeZan i dr. sc. Mario Vasilj. Priroda i društvo – Udžbenik za prvi razred osnovne škole, Mostar: Školska naklada, 2006., (72str.).

Čim se otvore knjige tiskane u Mostaru vidi se da su morale proći kroz pet različitih „imprimatura“! Kako je u Bosni i Hercegovini sve „zapuntano u drači i kupini“, tako je i s udžbenicima. U tom metežu, Hrvati posebice moraju biti knij6oprezni da ih se ne okrivi za razbijanje države (jer takvima su oduvijek bili!). Ta se opreznost i samozataja očituje i u ovim početnicama. Tako se sramežljivo provukla riječ „Hrvat“ u Početnici na str. 84. i u Radnoj bilježnici na str 60 kao primjer riječi koje počinju slovom „H“. Isto tako „Hercegovina“ u Početnici na str. 149. Na 183. str. počinje dio knjige „Ljepote našeg jezika“ i srećom ispod naslova je slika na kojoj piše „hrvatski“. Dakle, ipak učimo hrvatski, a ne „naški“. U udžbeniku Priroda i društvo zmijetiti je (str. 18) da na slici vise miniaturni crven-bijeli-plavi barjačići i to je sve što se tiče nacionalnog identiteta hrvatske djece. Ovo je samo sićušni uzorak prilika u BiH. Treba već od malih nogu nametnuti ne „ideologiju“ zdrave ljubavi za ono tko smo i što smo, te u isto vrijeme prihvaćanje i poštivanje drugih i drugačijih, nego „ideologiju“ samozataje (barem kod Hrvata) i prešućivanja drugih.

Zaključne misli

Analizirane početnice tek su mali uzorci vremena u kojima su pisane. Prve dvije (iz 1942. i 1949.) pisane su u razmaku od samo sedam godina, obje za hrvatsku djecu (ili ova druga za djecu Hrvatske!), ali između njih je ogroman jaz. Ona iz 1942. nastoji promicati hrvatsko domoljublje i radost da Hrvati imaju državu. U njoj nema nekih ideoloških, ustaških, natruha osim na dva mjesta. Druga (ona iz 1949.) je puna revolucije, Tita, partizana i pionira koji bi već u tim godinama trebali znati sto je fašizam, petogodišnji plan, ići „na prugu“, biti udarnici i mrziti druge koji su protivnici režima. To je početnica za mlade revolucionare!

Stječe se dojam da su današnje početnice iz RH oprezne u domoljublju, posebice Prvi koraci, a o onima iz BiH, kojima se služe uglavnom hrvatska djeca, da i ne govorim. I jedne i druge, čini se, „lakše“ govore o vjerskim blagdanima, nego o domoljublju. Dok, recimo, u Americi od najmlađih školskih dana djeci se ulijeva ljubav za Ameriku, nacionalni ponos, a vjersko je ostavljeno za privatne škole, Crkvu i obitelj. Udžbenici pokazuju da kod nas u ova vremena njegovanje i jačanje domoljublja ipak nije politički korektno ili probitačno.

Uspoređujući spomenute početnice, zaključiti nam je da je jedino ona iz 1949. (i slične koje su slijedile u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji) bila puna ideološkog nasilja, u prvom redu nad sićušnom djecom, a zatim nad roditeljima i učiteljima koji su morali to s djecom čitati, gledati i slušati. Ali posljedice ovog i ovakih udžbenika osjećaju se i danas. Svjedoci smo da jedan broj ljudi koji su učili iz ovakvih početnica još uvijek živi u svjetonazoru kojim su bili zadojeni kao „pioniri“. Oni i dalje vode borbu koju je u šumi „započeo drug Tito.“ Premda su „potjerali Švabe i izdajice“, naprijatelji im se, kao fatamorgana, stalno pojavljuju pred očima. Vidimo ih i danas u kapama „partizankama“, pioniriskim maramama i sa slikom njima nezaboravnog i dragog diktatora. Jednostavno se ne mogu osloboditi prošloti; ostali su i dalje na rubu „šume.“ Bilo bi ipak vrijeme da takvi, i svi koji žive u ideološkim bunkerima bilo koje vrste, iziđu iz njih i osjete što znači biti stvarno slobodan čovjek. Ali „zub vremena“ će i dalje mljeti sve ideološke zablude, a u tim svim mijenama važno je da hrvatski pedagozi priređuju početnice koje će prvaši s radošću čitati, koje će biti zanimljivi izvori znanja i radosti, koje će zacrtavati temelje dobrog karaktera, samopouzdanja, samosvijesti i zdrava ponosa na ono tko su i što su, poštivanje svih ljudi, kao i ljubav za svoj hrvatski narod, kulturu i domovinu.